Commentators:R. Moshe b. Nachman (Ramban, Nachmanides)/0

R. Moshe b. Nachman (Ramban, Nachmanides)

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Ramban

Name	R. Moshe b. Nachman, Nachmanides ר' משה בן נחמן, רמב"ן
Dates	c. 1194 – c. 1270
Location	Catalonia / Israel
Works	Bible, Talmud, Halakhah
Exegetical Characteristics	Peshat, Rabbinic analysis, mystical, broad scope
Influenced by	Rashi, Ibn Ezra, R. Yosef Bekhor Shor, Radak
Impacted on	Raah, Rashba, R. Bachya, Tur, Ran, Seforno, Ma'asei Hashem

Background

Life

• Name
  • Hebrew name – R. Moshe b. Nachman (ר' משה בן נחמן), of which Ramban (רמב"ן) is an acronym.¹
  • Catalan name – Bonastrug ca Porta.²
• Dates – c.1194³ – c.1270.⁴
• Location – Ramban apparently lived most of his life in Gerona.⁵ At the end of his life he immigrated to Israel and spent time in Akko⁶ and Yerushalayim.⁷
• Time period
  • Most of Ramban's life overlapped with the reign of King James I of Aragon (1213–1276).⁸
  • Ramban played an important role in the second Maimonidean Controversy of the 1230s.⁹
  • Ramban mounted a spirited defense of Judaism in the Barcelona Disputation of 1263.¹⁰
• Occupation – In addition to his various communal and teaching responsibilities, Ramban was also a practicing physician.¹¹
• Family – Ramban was a descendant of R. Yitzchak b. Reuven of Barcelona.¹² His first cousin was R. Yonah b. Avraham Gerondi,¹³ and Ramban's son, R. Nachman, married R. Yonah's daughter.¹⁴
• Teachers – Ramban studied under R. Yehuda b. Yakar¹⁵ and R. Natan b. Meir,¹⁶ both of whom were students of the famed Tosafist R. Yitzchak b. Avraham.¹⁷
• Contemporaries – R. Meir HaLevi Abulafia (Ramah),¹⁸ R. Shemuel HaSardi,¹⁹ R. Shelomo of Montpelier,²⁰ R. Yonah Gerondi.²¹
• Students – R. Aharon HaLevi (Raah), Rashba, R. David Bonafed, R. Yitzchak Carcosa, Ramban's son R. Nachman.

Works

• Biblical commentaries – Ramban wrote commentaries on the Torah and on the book of Iyyov.²²
• Rabbinics – Ramban's prolific writing in this area can be divided into a few categories:
  • Talmudic novellae – Collections of expositions on most of the tractates in the first four sections of the Talmud Bavli, as well as Chullin and Niddah.²³
  • Halakhic codes – Compendia of the laws of Nedarim, Bekhorot, Niddah, and Challah; Torat HaAdam (on the laws of mourning), Mishpat HaCherem (on the laws of excommunication).
  • Responses to the works of others – Milchamot Hashem,²⁴ Sefer HaZekhut,²⁵ Glosses on the Rambam's Sefer HaMitzvot,²⁶ Hilkhot Lulav,²⁷ Hasagot on Sefer HaTzava.²⁸
  • Teshuvot – C. Chavel collected and published Ramban's responsa from manuscripts and citations in various medieval works.
• Jewish thought – Sefer HaVikuach,²⁹ Derashat Torat Hashem Temimah,³⁰ Sefer HaGeulah, Shaar HaGemul,³¹ and possibly Iggeret HaMusar.³²
• Commonly misattributed to Ramban – Commentary to Shir HaShirim,³³ Iggeret HaKodesh,³⁴ Sefer HaEmunah veHaBitachon.³⁵

Torah Commentary

Textual Issues

• Manuscripts – Over 35 complete manuscripts are extant,³⁶ and a few dozen others contain individual chumashim or fragments of the commentary.³⁷
• Printings – Ramban's commentary was first printed in Rome c. 1470.³⁸ A number of annotated editions have appeared in the last half-century,³⁹ with C. Chavel's edition being the most well known and commonplace.⁴⁰ Click for a table of some of the missing text in Chavel's edition.
• Long and short commentaries – The existence of both long and short versions of Ramban's Torah commentary was noted already by R. David HaKochavi in his Sefer HaBattim (c. 1300). In addition to the well known longer Commentary on the Torah of Ramban, there are also over thirty extant manuscripts of an abridged version of the Commentary.⁴¹ This "Short Commentary" collects all of the Kabbalistic interpretations of Ramban found in the longer commentary.⁴²
• The writing process – It is unclear when Ramban began to author his commentary,⁴³ but it is clear that he continued to update it until the very end of his life. This is indicated by explicit remarks of Ramban himself in his commentary⁴⁴ and by lists containing some of these updates which Ramban sent from Israel to Spain.⁴⁵ The various lists contain only a portion of these additions, and many more can be found by a comparative analysis of the various manuscripts and other textual witnesses of the commentary.⁴⁶ All together, these total over 270 additions and changes. Click to view an interactive table and analysis of these updates.
• Ramban's later updates⁴⁷ – Ramban's additions and changes to his commentary from his later years in Israel reflect the influence of several factors, as can be seen in the interactive table. The two most prominent ones are:
  • Newly obtained first-hand knowledge of the geography of the land of Israel – This is reflected in many of Ramban's changes to his commentary.⁴⁸
  • Expanded library of previously unavailable sources and texts:⁴⁹
    • Northern French exegesis⁵⁰ – R. Yosef Bekhor Shor,⁵¹ "Chakhmei HaZarefatim",⁵² Chizkuni.⁵³
    • Exegesis from Islamic lands – R. Chananel's Torah Commentary,⁵⁴ R. Nissim Gaon.⁵⁵
    • Works from Israel and Byzantium and more – Targum Yerushalmi,⁵⁶ Talmud Yerushalmi,⁵⁷ Midrash Mishlei,⁵⁸ Lekach Tov,⁵⁹ Sifrei HaNisyonot,⁶⁰ and Sefer HaLevanah.⁶¹
  • Other noteworthy features – Ramban's additions also contain most of his lengthy discussions on passages from Neviim.⁶²
  • Very limited presence in the additions – the vast majority of both Ramban's Kabbalistic interpretations⁶³ and his interpretations which are influenced by Radak are present already in the earlier layer of the commentary.

Characteristics

• Broad scope – Ramban looks at Torah with a wide angle lens,⁶⁴ viewing it in its entirety even when focusing on one small part.  Torah is one integrated unit, each part of which bears on the others.⁶⁵ 
• This is reflected in many aspects of his commentary: its topical nature,⁶⁶ its internal consistency,⁶⁷ the incorporation of introductions to each book,⁶⁸  its excurses on theological and other issues, its inclusion of reasons for stories⁶⁹ and mitzvot,⁷⁰ and its tendency to self-reference.⁷¹  
• This broad scope view impacts Ramban's methodology as well, as seen in: Ramban's adherence to chronological ordering,⁷² his sensitivity to structure,⁷³ cognizance of literary patterns and style,⁷⁴ his discussion of the relationship between doubled narratives,⁷⁵ his recognition that Torah is "brief in one place but lengthy in another"⁷⁶ and more.⁷⁷
• Topical – Ramban comments on about a third of the verses in the Torah.⁷⁸ His commentary is selective in what it addresses, and is not a verse by verse commentary.⁷⁹ His discussions will often revolve around matters that relate to the story or unit as a whole and not just a word or phrase.⁸⁰ At times, too, he uses the commentary as a platform to discuss philosophical or halakhic issues in addition to exegetical ones.

• Multidisciplinary – Ramban's commentary combines analyses of Rabbinic interpretation (מדרש), literal interpretations (פשט), and Kabbalistic interpretations (סוד)‎.⁸¹ This heterogeneous character was unique and may account for part of the commentary's popularity.⁸²
• Dialectic – Ramban regularly opens his analyses by surveying the exegesis of his predecessors. These alternative interpretations serve as foils for Ramban's own positions.⁸³
• Categories of questions – 

Methods

• Issues of order and structure

• אין מוקדם ומאוחר – Ramban will rarely posit achronology (אין מוקדם ומאוחר), preferring to say that "all of Torah is in order" except where Torah explicitly states otherwise.⁸⁴ In such cases, he will make sure to explain the reason for the lack of order.⁸⁵ Thus, for instance, Ramban agrees that Tanakh might at times veer from strict chronology for literary reasons, recognizing that it is common for Tanakh to delay or prepone the recording of certain details so as to finish a storyline.⁸⁶
• Structure – Ramban, unlike most of his predecessors, speaks about both the structure of Torah as a whole and the structure of individual sections of books, explaining both why books open and close where they do⁸⁷ and why various laws or narratives are mentioned where they are.⁸⁸ At times, too, he will comment also on the order of details in smaller units of text, explaining why their components are structured as they are.⁸⁹
• Literary Sense / "דרכי המקראות – Ramban has a keen literary sense and often notes literary patterns in Tanakh, explaining away seeming difficulties by noting that this is "the way of the text".⁹⁰
• Resumptive repetition: Ramban notes that repetition in Tanakh sometimes serves a literary purpose, indicating the resumption of a narrative after a parenthetical break.⁹¹
• קיצר במקום א' והרחיב במקום אחר – Ramban notes that it is the way of the text to be brief in one place and lengthy in another. For example, instead of tediously repeating both a command and its fulfillment, sometimes the Torah brings one, sometimes the other.⁹²  Similarly, when a narrative is doubled (as in Shemot and Devarim) or a previous story is alluded to by either the narrator or a Biblical figure, certain details might only be mentioned in one account and not the other.⁹³ In legal sections, too, Torah might only recount certain aspects of a law in one place, and others elsewhere.⁹⁴
• מקרא מסורס – Ramban notes that often in Tanakh, a clause might modify not the immediately preceding one, but a different part of the verse.  Thus, for example, in Bereshit 15:13, "יָדֹעַ תֵּדַע כִּי גֵר יִהְיֶה זַרְעֲךָ בְּאֶרֶץ לֹא לָהֶם וַעֲבָדוּם וְעִנּוּ אֹתָם אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת שָׁנָה", Ramban claims that the clause "400 years" does not refer to the length of the oppression, but to the length of exile / wandering.‎⁹⁵
• "דרך הלשון הוא" – Often Ramban will comment on the language of the text, noting that seemingly odd linguistic phenomena are simply "דרך הלשון".  For example, he notes that the repetiton of the word "שנה" when recounting the age of Sarah is not unique (as Rashi appears to suggest), but the way of the text whenever recording ages (Bereshit 23:1).⁹⁶
• 36:22 (it is the way o fthe text to be meyches a women to her brothers, to order the tribes by mentioningthe sons of the real wives before the sons of the maiodservants, (46:19),
• מקרא קצר – Like many others, Ramban notes that sometimes Tanakh writes in a truncated style, leaving out a subject,⁹⁷verb,⁹⁸ noun,⁹⁹ predicate/ conditional clause¹⁰⁰ or even entire phrases or parts of a storyline.¹⁰¹
• Extraneous, missing, or switched letters - Ramban notes when litters are missing,¹⁰² 45:23 (extraneous letters, such as kaphj),
• Realia – Ramban often uses realia to elucidate the text, turning to science, geography, psychology, and knowledge of human behavior or customs.
  
• Psychological insights – At times, Ramban will solve an exegetical difficulty by turning to psychology and an understanding of human nature and emotions.¹⁰³
• Geography – Ramban makes use of geography to explicate texts and even updated his commentary in numerous places upon arrival in Israel when he had new, more accurate geographic information.¹⁰⁴
• Scientific knowledge – Ramban speaks of geology,¹⁰⁵ meteorology,¹⁰⁶ flora and fauna.¹⁰⁷ His medical background is also evident.¹⁰⁸
• Way of the world – In explaining actions of Biblical characters, Ramban might note how these simply reflect general patterns of human behavior.¹⁰⁹ Often, too, he will explain verses in light of the customs of the Biblical period, or apply knowledge of customs of his own era back to Tanakh.¹¹⁰
• –

Themes

• Reasons for Mitzvot – Ramban was a firm believer that all mitzvot have a reason and are not simply "decrees of the king."¹¹¹  In this, he follows Rambam,¹¹² writing: "וזה הענין שגזר הרב במצות שיש להם טעם מבואר הוא מאד, כי בכל אחד טעם ותועלת ותקון לאדם" (Devarim 22:6).¹¹³ As evident in this statement, Ramban further stresses that the laws were made to benefit man, not God,¹¹⁴ as they instill correct behavior, good values, or recognition of Hashem,¹¹⁵ or even simply provide more utilitarian benefits such as good health.¹¹⁶ Given their importance, Ramban comments on the reasons for mitzvot throughout the commentary,¹¹⁷ sometimes giving more than one reason for any single mitzvah.¹¹⁸
• Reasons for stories – In contrast to many of his predecessors,¹¹⁹ Ramban will often discuss not only the reason certain details are included in the text,¹²⁰ but even why an entire narrative is mentioned at all.¹²¹ Ramban notes that narratives might teach moral lessons, demonstrate God's ways, highlight an aspect of someone's character, or explain historical progress and events.¹²²  One specific subset of reasons for the inclusion of stories is the concept of "מעשה אבות סימן לבנים", discussed in the next bullet.
• "כל מה שאירע לאבות סימן לבנים" – In his comments to Bereshit 11:6, Ramban lays out the principle: "all that happened to the Patriarchs are a sign for the children".¹²³ The actions of the forefathers paved the way for the future behavior of their descendants and foretold the pivotal events which were to befall the nation. The idea is stated already by R. Yehoshua in Tanchuma Lekh Lekha 9,¹²⁴ but Ramban develops it further, repeatedly returning to the motif, and attempting to show how even some of the seemingly inconsequential acts of our forefathers foreshadow events to come.¹²⁵
• Centrality of the Land of Israel – Ramban's love and regard for the land of Israel is evident throughout his commentary.¹²⁶ He views the Land of Israel as having unique status, being "נחלת ה'", a place where Hashem's providence is stronger than elsewhere.¹²⁷ For Ramban, the ramifications of this are manifold, and are reflected in many statements throughout the commentary: 
• Ramban distinguishes between the status of mitzvah observance in Israel and exile, claiming that mitzvot were given primarily to be observed in the land ("עיקר כל המצות ליושבים בארץ י״י.")¹²⁸ Certain laws are not applicable in exile at all, while others (חובות הגוף) are obligatory, but their observance is nonetheless viewed only as preparation for when one will return to the land.¹²⁹
  
• Israel's holy status further means that it cannot tolerate certain sins¹³⁰ and that it holds its inhabitants to a higher standard.¹³¹ Conversely, when the people do not sin, Hashem's presence there is so strong that it will be like living in the Garden of Eden (Vayikra 26:6).  For this reason, too, prophecy is limited to the land of Israel (Devarim 18:15).
• Divine providence, miracles and nature – The nature of the miraculous is a theme discussed by Ramban often, though his exact stance on the balance between natural and supernatural order is somewhat unclear. 
• Defense / blame of the Avot – Though Ramban will sometimes justify seemingly problematic behavior of the Avot,¹³² he does not hesitate to blame them when he thinks this is warranted. The most well known example is perhaps his faulting of Avram for his descent to Egypt and endangering of Sarah during the famine.¹³³
• Historical Awareness

Sources

Significant Influences

• Earlier Sources – Rashi, Radak, Northern French exegetes
• Teachers – R. Ezra, R. Azriel
• Foils – Ibn Ezra

Occasional Usage

• Geonim, Ibn Janach, R. Yosef Kimchi – 
• –

Possible Relationship

• Rashbam, R. Yosef Bekhor Shor, R. Yonah – 
• –

Impact

Later Exegetes

• R. Bachya, Tur, Ran, Seforno, Ma'asei Hashem – 
• –

Supercommentaries

• Tur – 
• Recanati – 
• –

¹ The name "Nachmanides" is a Greek form which means "son of Nachman".

² From documents from the Aragon Royal Archives, one can glean that Bonastrug ca Porta was the Rabbi of Gerona c. 1260 who was accused by the Church of blasphemy. Most scholars identify him with Ramban. Coincidentally, there was an additional character Astrug ça Porta who lived in the same time period and was similarly accused of blasphemy. See the sources and discussion in R. Chazan, Barcelona and Beyond (Berkeley, 1992): 199-203, 240-242.

³ The earliest source for Ramban being born in the Hebrew year 4954 (1193/4) is R. David Gans's history work, Tzemach David (1592). Other late 15th and early 16th century sources speak of Ramban authoring some of his works already in the Hebrew years 4970-4971 (1210/11).

⁴ The precise date of Ramban's death is not known. Sefer HaYuchsin v.5 (p.221) gives a date of of 5020 (1259/60), but Ramban's debate in Barcelona was in 1263, his prayer over the ruins of Yerushalayim records his arrival there in either 1267 or 1268 (textual witnesses differ), and it is generally assumed that he lived in Israel for three years. An anonymous student of Ramban, who wrote an account of his travels in Israel which he entitled Totzeot Eretz Yisrael, writes that Ramban is buried at the Mt. Carmel cemetery, but this is debated (as Ramban writes to his son that he was preparing a grave for himself in Hevron).

⁵ It is unclear where he studied with his teachers.

⁶ See below that some manuscripts of Ramban's Commentary on the Torah contain lists of additions that Ramban sent from Akko, as well as Ramban's note (appended to many editions of his Commentary on the Torah) describing his arrival in Akko and viewing of an ancient Shekel coin. Ramban's דרשה לראש השנה was delivered at the Tosafist Yeshivah in Akko. In 1972, Ramban's seal was discovered in excavations near Akko. On the likely authenticity of the seal, see Y. Nir-El and M. Broshi, "חותם הרמב"ן - בדיקת אותנטיות", Tarbiz 65 (1996): 527-528.

⁷ See below that Ramban's addition to his commentary on Bereshit 35:16 describes his coming to Yerushalayim. In his letterRamban's Letter from Yerushalayim to his son, Nachman, Ramban describes the particularly difficult conditions in Yerushalayim and the refurbishing of a building to serve as a synagogue (there is debate over whether this is the synagogue named after Ramban which exists to this day in the Old City of Yerushalayim).

⁸ King James I's extremely long reign was characterized by relatively favorable conditions for the Jews of Aragon. His advisors included a number of Jews, and he treated Ramban with considerable respect.

⁹ See the analysis of his role in Prof. D. Berger's article "How Did Nahmanides Propose to Resolve the Maimonidean Controversy?", Meah She'arim: Studies in Medieval Jewish Spiritual Life in Memory of Isadore Twersky, ed. by Ezra Fleischer et al. (Jerusalem, 2001): 135-146.

¹⁰ Ramban's account of the debate can be found in his Sefer HaVikuach. Ramban records that in recognition of his successful efforts, King James awarded him the sum of 300 dinars, and this is corroborated by a document from the Aragon Royal Archives.

¹¹ See the Responsa of the RashbaResponsa 1:120About R. Shelomo b. Aderet that Ramban received income from this profession.

¹² As noted already by R. Shimon b. Tzemach DuranResponsum 1:72About R. Shimon b. Tzemach Duran, RambanHilkhot Nedarim 5 refers to R. Yitzchak as "אדננו הזקן".

¹³ See Responsa of R. Shelomo b. R. Shimon Duran 291.

¹⁴ Ramban had other sons and daughters to whom he refers in his דרשה לראש השנה. His אגרת מוסרIggeret Musar as well as his letter describing Yerushalayim were addressed to one of these sons, and he wrote an additional letter to a son who was active at the king's court. Some (see Kore HaDorot p.19a) have claimed that one of Ramban's daughters was the mother of Ralbag, but this is disputed.

¹⁵ See Ramban Pesachim 117bPesachim 117b and Makkot 2a, Meiri Magen Avot 1 (p. 18), Ran Ketubot 74a, Shittah Mekubetzet Bava Batra 82a.

¹⁶ See Ramban Shevuot 37a, Derashah LeRosh HaShanah, and his letter regarding R. Yonah (Kitvei Ramban 1:353).

¹⁷ According to R. Menachem Recanati (c. 1250-1310), Ramban followed R. Ezra and R. Azriel of Gerona in the chain of Kabbalistic transmission, but their precise relationship is unclear. See below for their influences on Ramban.

¹⁸ Ramban describes sending halakhic inquiries to the Ramah – see Ramban Berakhot 22b, Bava Batra 33b, and he appealed for the Ramah's intervention during the second Maimonidean Controversy (see Iggerot Kannaut 6).

¹⁹ Many of Ramban's responsa were sent to him.

²⁰ In Ramban's letter to the French scholars during the Maimonidean Controversy, he refers to R. Shelomo as "חברי".

²¹ Ramban maintained a close relationship with his cousin, R. Yonah, throughout their lives. In his Derashah LeRosh HaShanah Ramban recounts how in his youth he relayed one of his interpretations to the Tosafist academies via R. Yonah. Ramban also wrote a series of letters defending the family honor of R. Yonah.

²² We also possess Ramban's interpretation of Yeshayahu 52:13 – 53:12, written in the aftermath of the Barcelona Disputation, and a lengthy sermon on Kohelet delivered before he departed for Israel.

²³ Ramban also wrote a work on the topic of indirect damages (קונטרס דינא דגרמי) and a sermon on the laws of Rosh HaShanah (דרשה לראש השנה).

²⁴ This Talmudic based work defends the Halakhot of R. Yitzchak Alfasi (Rif) from the critique of R. Zerachya HaLevi (Ba'al HaMaor).

²⁵ A defense of R. Yitzchak Alfasi (Rif) from the critique of R. Avraham b. David (Raavad).

²⁶ This work contains a defense of the Halakhot Gedolot's enumeration of the 613 commandments.

²⁷ This is a critique of the work of the Raavad by the same name, and a defense of the positions of the Geonim and Rif.

²⁸ A defense of the Rif from the critique of the Ba'al HaMaor.

²⁹ An account of the Barcelona Disputation.

³⁰ This work was long assumed to be the sermon Ramban delivered in the aftermath of the Barcelona Disputation in response to King James' address to the congregation in the Barcelona Synagogue.  In a recent article, though, Oded Yisraeli, "מדרשת 'תורת ה' תמימה' לפירוש התורה: אבני דרך ביצירתו של הרמב"ן", Tarbiz 83:1 (5775): 163-195, argues that this Derashah was actually written before Ramban's Torah commentary.

³¹ This is the final chapter of Torat HaAdam, in which Ramban discusses various theological issues such as reward and punishment, the World to Come, and Resurrection.

³² This letter has been attributed to Ramban for many centuries (see Shelah, Shaar HaOtiyyot, 4:45), however T. Preschel, "אגרת שיוחסה בטעות לרמב"ן", Talpiyot 8:1 (1960): 49-53, pointed out that most of it contains almost verbatim parallels to the abridgment of a treatise of R. Moshe of Evreux cited in the Orchot Chayyim and Kol Bo. The parallels are so distinct (see Comparison Table) that coincidence can be ruled out. Preschel also rules out the possibility of a mistaken attribution to R. Moshe of Evreux, as a passage of this essay is cited in his name by his student R. Peretz (in a gloss on the Semak 11). Thus, Preschel concludes that the Iggeret Musar is really the work of R. Moshe of Evreux which was ascribed erroneously to Ramban. Chavel (Intro. to the Iggeret) and others disagree and contend that the attribution of the Iggeret to Ramban is correct and that he was working off the work of R. Moshe of Evreux (see further discussion below regarding Ramban's use of sources).

³³ The commentary on Shir HaShirim ascribed to Ramban was written by R. Azriel or R. Ezra of Gerona (see the evidence collected in Chavel's Introduction to the Commentary).

³⁴ This work was attributed to Ramban by R. Yisrael AlNakawa (Menorat HaMaor Vol.4, p.87), but see Chavel's introduction that it was likely written by R. Azriel of Gerona.

³⁵ Although ascribed to Ramban already by a student of the Rashba, this work was apparently written by R. Yaakov b. Sheshet of Gerona. The evidence for this can be found in Vida's introduction to R. Yaakov's Sefer Meishiv Devarim Nekhochim, pp. 18-20. See also Chavel's discussion in his introduction.

³⁶ Six of these are dated to the 14th century, while the rest are later. Ramban's later additions to his commentary (see below) are of significant value in mapping the relationship between these manuscripts.

³⁷ Many of the fragments are dated to the 13th or 14th centuries.

³⁸ It was then reprinted in Lisbon in 1489 and in Napoli in 1490.

³⁹ M. Eisenstadt began to publish an edition in 1959, based on the Lisbon printing and corrected according to various manuscripts and other printings, but he published only two volumes covering Sefer Bereshit.

⁴⁰ Chavel published the full commentary in 1959-60. Chavel's edition (later incorporated in Mosad HaRav Kook's Torat Chayyim) played a major role in the dissemination of the commentary, but its text has some deficiencies. See U. Eitam, "על נוסח פירוש רמב"ן לתורה במהדורת הרב שעוועל", Megadim 30 (1999):73-96, that Chavel's edition used as its base text a 1951 New York printing which was based on the 1860 Warsaw edition (which, in turn, was based on the 1490 Napoli edition), and that it incorporated the numerous corruptions of the text which had crept in at each previous stage as well as additional ones.

⁴¹ Many of these manuscripts are from the 14th century, and paleography experts have even dated some to the late 13th or turn of the 14th century (mere decades after Ramban's death). The large number of manuscripts attests to the popularity of this abridgment and the importance attached in Kabbalistic circles to Ramban's mystical interpretations.

⁴² While R. David HaKochavi attributes both commentaries to Ramban himself, there are indications that the shorter commentary is an abridgment made by a different person. Even according to this second possibility, it is possible that this collection was made in Ramban's own lifetime. [See below that Ramban's later addition at the end of his introduction to his commentary may reflect his awareness of the popularity of the Kabbalistic interpretations in the commentary.]

⁴³ Ramban's poetic lines at the end of Sefer Shemot, cited by C. Chavel as evidence that Ramban completed his commentary on Shemot after the age of seventy, may be a later addition to the commentary. If so, they would not prove anything regarding the primary layer of the commentary.

⁴⁴ Ramban's commentary to Bereshit 35:16 describes his change of opinion (to favor Rashi's position) as a result of his travels in Israel ("ועכשיו שזכיתי ובאתי אני לירושלים"), and the note published in many editions at the end of his Torah commentary details a similar change of opinion (also in favor of Rashi) after seeing a shekel coin in Akko. An account of this later shift and Ramban's sending a correction back to Spain is recorded also by R. Yosef AlboSefer HaIkkarim 3:16About R. Yosef Albo.

⁴⁵ These lists appear in five manuscripts, four of which were collated and published by K. Kahana, "הוספות הרמב"ן לפירושו לתורה", HaMaayan 9:1 (1968): 25-47. See also the earlier article of M.Z. Eisenstadt "מכתב הרמב"ן מארץ ישראל בענין צורת השקל ומשקלו", Talpiyot 4:3-4 (1959): 606. Regarding the differences between the nature of these lists, see the discussion in Ramban's Updates.

⁴⁶ Most of the additional cases in Bereshit can be found in M. Sabato, "הוספות רמב"ן לפירושו לתורה", Megadim 42 (2005): 61-124. The lists and analysis presented here for the entire Torah are based on the research of H. Novetsky – see note below.

⁴⁷ The lists of hosafot and the analysis presented here are based on an unpublished seminar paper by H. Novetsky, "Nahmanides' Amendments to his Commentary on the Torah", submitted (in 1997) to Prof. David Berger, and his subsequent analysis (in 2001) of the available microfilms of the Ramban manuscripts housed at the מכון לתצלומי כתבי יד of the Jewish National University Library. The paper was shared with Prof. Yisrael Ta-Shma z"l, who then shared it with Jonathan Jacobs. Cf. Jacobs's recent article "ספרים חדשים שהתגלו לרמב"ן בהגיעו לארץ ישראל", JSIJ 11 (2012).

⁴⁸ See Ramban's updates to Bereshit 11:28, 12:6, 13:7, 14:6, 14:15, 23:2, 35:16, 35:18, 48:7, Shemot 10:14, 12:2, 30:13 (see also note on Shekel at end of Torah commentary), Bemidbar 13:2, 21:18, 35:14, Devarim 8:9, 11:29.

⁴⁹ This possibility was noted already by K. Kahana (pp. 42,44) with regard to both R. Chananel (see below) and Ibn Tibbon's translation of Moreh Nevukhim.

⁵⁰ Many Tosafists and their students lived in Akko, and Ramban was in contact with them (see his Derashah on Rosh Hashanah).

⁵¹ See Ramban's additions to Bereshit 19:2, 29:9 (R"Y Bekhor Shor Bereshit 29:17), 33:10, 35:16 (R"Y Bekhor Shor Bereshit 48:7), 37:22, 42:9 (R"Y Bekhor Shor Bereshit 37:26), Vayikra 19:14, 19:17, Bemidbar 21:13-20, Devarim 11:4, 21:18-21 (see also Devarim 16:21, 21:11,12). In a number of these cases, R. Yosef Bekhor Shor's exegesis was also incorporated (almost verbatim) into Chizkuni, and it is possible that Ramban received it through this secondhand source. Either way, though, there appears to be a strong possibility that through his contact with the Tosafists in Akko, Ramban gained access to Northern French exegesis which he had not previously seen. Whether Ramban actually saw a written copy of either R. Yosef Bekhor Shor or Chizkuni or merely heard the content orally is a secondary issue.

While many of the most distinctive parallels are from Ramban's additions in Israel, there are also numerous parallels between Ramban and R"Y Bekhor Shor (as well as Chizkuni), even in passages which appear to be from the earlier Spanish portion of the commentary. See H. Novetsky, "The Influences of Rabbi Joseph Bekhor Shor and Radak on Ramban's Commentary on the Torah", (MA Thesis, BRGS, Yeshiva University, 1992).

⁵² They are cited in Ramban's additions to Vayikra 13:29 and 24:10. In the first case, the position is found in the commentary of R. Shimshon of Sens on Nega'im 10:10. This dovetails nicely with Ramban's statement in his Derashah on Rosh Hashanah, which he presented in Akko, that it was there that he viewed the Tosafot of R. Elchanan for the first time ("ועכשיו בעיר הזאת ראיתי התוספות הארוכות של הרב ר' אלחנן ז"ל"). The exegesis in Vayikra 24:10 appears also in Chizkuni.

⁵³ See note above regarding R"Y Bekhor Shor.

⁵⁴ The citations of R. Chananel in Shemot 10:14, Vayikra 20:17, 23:7, Bemidbar 16:5, 16:21, and 20:1-8 are all Eretz Yisrael additions, as noted already by K. Kahana (p. 42). Interestingly, there are no citations of R. Chananel in Bereshit or Devarim.

⁵⁵ The citation of R. Nissim in Bemidbar 8:2 is a later addition.

⁵⁶ Cited in Ramban's additions to Bereshit 14:6, 30:20 (2x), Shemot 28:41, Bemidbar 11:28, Devarim 8:9, 33:25. Ramban's citation of the Targum Yerushalmi in Vayikra 19:20 comes via Radak, and Bemidbar 24:1 is not a direct citation. This leaves Bereshit 1:1 as the only citation in the original layer of the commentary. [Ramban's citation of Targum Yerushalmi in his commentary to Iyyov 33:25 likely came via the Arukh s.v. רפש.] That the Targum Yerushalmi was not always readily available in all lands is reflected in the responsum of R. Hai Gaon in Teshuvot HaGeonim Zikkaron LaRishonim #248 ("אין אנו יודעין תרגום ארץ ישראל מי אמרו, ואף אין אנו יודעין אותו גופו ולא שמענו ממנו אלא מעט").

⁵⁷ It is clear that Ramban had access to a Talmud Yerushalmi while in Spain, however, his access there may have been more limited and he may have studied it less. Ramban's additions cite the Talmud Yerushalmi numerous times: see Bereshit 34:13 (this citation refers to a version of the Talmud Yerushalmi different than ours), 40:16, 49:10, 49:19, Shemot 31:13, Bemidbar 4:16, 25:5, Devarim 2:23, 10:1, 20:8, 26:2, and the concluding comment at the end of the Torah.

⁵⁸ Ramban cites this work only once, in his addition at the very end of his commentary.

⁵⁹ Ramban's additions to Bereshit 11:32 and Devarim 15:1 match the Lekach Tov almost word for word. See also the parallel in the addition to Shemot 32:27.

⁶⁰ Cited in Ramban's addition to Vayikra 11:13.

⁶¹ Cited in Ramban's addition to Devarim 18:9.

⁶² See the additions in Bereshit 19:8, 49:10, Vayikra 27:29, Bemidbar 1:3, 16:21, 26:54. The exceptions which appear to be present already in the earlier layer of the commentary are: Shemot 20:23, Vayikra 27:29 (part), Bemidbar 32:33, Devarim 20:11.

⁶³ Some of the rare exceptions are: Bereshit 15:17, 49:33, Shemot 20:13, Devarim 18:9. Ramban's addition at the end of his introduction, in which he warns the uninitiated reader not to delve into his mystical interpretations, may be a reaction to the popularity of that layer of his commentary already in Ramban's lifetime, or possibly to the dissemination during Ramban's lifetime of the "Peirush HaKatzar" (see above).

⁶⁴ In this he stands in contrast to exegetes like Rashi and Ibn Ezra who are much more local in their approach.

⁶⁵ It should be noted that this broad view does not mean that Ramban had no eye for details.  He often addresses the minutia of the text as well. For several examples where he notes seemingly unnecessary details and explains their significance to the narrative, see: Bereshit 28:5, 29:9, 30:5, 32:5, 14, 34:1, 37:14, 39:8. Elsewhere he might address at length the meaning or etymology of a single word.

⁶⁶ See discussion below.

⁶⁷ For a few examples, compare his explanations to Bereshit 17:18 and 23:13, Bereshit 32:8 and 33:8, Bemidbar 21:21 and Devarim 2:24, Vayikra 17:11 and Devarim 12:23, or Devarim 1:1 and 4:41.Ramban is not only internally consistent within his Torah commentary, but across his various works.  That this was important to him can be seen in the fact that he notes when Rashi is not similarly consistent.  See Shemot 12:19, 22:8, Vayikra 7:15, and Devarim 2:10.

⁶⁸ Ramban writes introductions to each book in Torah. These betray a recognition of each book's unique character and themes, highlighting how Ramban thought about books in their entirety and not only about the meaning of individual verses.  Often, too, Ramban introduces a subsection of Torah, explaining why it is placed where it is or the import of the unit. See, for instance, Shemot 25:1 regarding the Mishkan or Vayikra 11:1 about the laws of impurity.  See below for full discussion and other examples.

⁶⁹ In this he is preceded by Radak who also often explains why stories are included in Tanakh and what lessons might be learned from them.  After Ramban, Ralbag takes the idea even further, devoting an entire section of his commentary to "תועלות", the lessons (in the realm of character, beliefs, or law)  learned from the narratives and laws of Tanakh.  For examples where Ramban discusses the reasons for stories, see below.

⁷⁰ For elaboration, see the discussion below.

⁷¹ This self-referential tendency is evident in the over 100 times he writes "כאשר פרשתי", about 60 times he writes , "כבר פרשתי",  and around 30 times he says "כאשר הזכרתי".  In about ten more cases he writes, "כאשר אפרש", referring to something he is to explain later in the commentary. For a few examples, see Bereshit1:31, 9:7, 15:12, Shemot 3:9, 12:32, 18:3-4, Vayikra 14:2, 21:6, Bemidbar 3:45, 23:23, and Devarim 12:28.

⁷² See the discussion below regarding his hesitancy to posit "אין מוקדם ומאוחר", with many examples. This attitude is a natural outgrowth of his broad scope view. For one who is looking at the entirety of Tanakh, the need for chronological order is much more imperative than for one who is dealing only with local issues. It is thus not surprising that Ramban here stands in contrast to Ibn Ezra, who is both very atomistic in his outlook and very open to suggesting achronology.

⁷³ See below that Ramban will often explain why the text is ordered as it is, attempting to explain why certain laws / narratives are found in one chapter or one book rather than another. This, too, is a direct outgrowth of thinking about Torah from a wide angle perspective.

⁷⁴ Recognition of "דרכי המקראות" necessitates thinking about the text as one integrated unit for otherwise one cannot detect such patterns and stylistic phenomena. See below for discussion and examples.

⁷⁵ Ramban notes when a narrative or law is mentioned multiple times and attempts to explain the need for the repetition. See, for example, Bereshit 15:18 (regarding Hashem's multiple promises to Avraham), Shemot 34:11 (on the relationship between Shemot 23 and 34), Shemot 36:8 (on the multiple discussions of the building of the Mishkan).

⁷⁶ For discussion and examples, see below.

⁷⁷ Ramban's frequent comments regarding the amount of press space devoted to various topics (explaining why a law might be repeated numerous time, or why a certain topic is dealt with at length) also betray his wide angle view.

⁷⁸ There are approximately 5845 verses in the Torah (see Number of Verses in Torah for a fuller discussion of this subject): 1534 in Bereshit, 1209 in Shemot, 859 in Vayikra, 1288 in Bemidbar, and 955 in Devarim. Ramban comments on approximately 1710 units: 547 in Bereshit, 390 in Shemot, 242 in Vayikra, 228 in Bemidbar, 303 in Devarim. [These figures use Chavel's edition and unit division. The exact totals depend considerably on how one tallies interpretations of Ramban which span multiple verses.] Like most exegetes, Ramban comments less often in Vayikra, Bemidbar, and Devarim, than in Bereshit and Shemot. [A more precise analysis needs to take into account factors such as genealogical lists or repeated sections. These will partially explain why Ramban's commentary on Bemidbar has a much lower percentage of verses on which he comments than that of Devarim.]

⁷⁹ Cf. Rashi, Ibn Ezra, and Radak. Partially for this reason, Ramban's comments tend to be much longer than those commentators, as he will frequently examine issues of broader scope. For a more detailed comparison table of the various exegetes, see Commentary Comparison. The relationship between Rashi and Ramban's Torah commentaries is analogous in many ways to the relationship between the Talmudic commentaries of Rashi and the Tosafists.

⁸⁰ For just several of many, many examples, see Bereshit 15:18 where he discusses all four of Hashem's promises of land to Avraham, and not just the one mentioned in the verse, or Bereshit 16:2 where, in discussing the phrase "וישמע אברם לקול שרי"  he delves into Sarah and Avraham's marital relations as a whole, Shemot 1:10 where he gives an overview explaining Paroh's staged plan of slavery and oppression, or Bemidbar 13:32 where he discusses the spies' slander and nature of their sin.

⁸¹ For statistical analysis, see Table.  As an example where Ramban addresses all three levels in one comment, see Vayikra 1:1 (which is explained first according to "פשט", then according to "רבותינו" and finally, "על דרך האמת").

⁸² It appears that already in Ramban's lifetime and in the period after his death, the mystical portion of the commentary became very popular in Kabbalistic circles – see below.

⁸³ This is evident already in his introductory poem to Torah, where he writes, "אשים למאור פני נרות המנורה הטהורה / פירושי רבינו שלמה עטרת צבי וצפירת תפארה... בדבריו אהגה, באהבתם אשגה, ועמהם יהיה לנו משא ומתן דרישה וחקירה... ועם ר׳ אברהם בן עזרא תהיה לנו תוכחת מגולה ואהבה מסותרה". For just a few of many examples where he engages with both commentators before expressing his own opinion, see Bereshit 2:19, 4:8, 10:9-11, 12:1, 24:64, Shemot 2:6, 14:31, 15:11, 19:10,  Bemidbar 8:2, and Devarim 11:15.

⁸⁴ By this, he likely means that the narrative either provides clearly achronological dates (Bemibdar 1:1 and 9:1) or that chronological data in the form of geneological lists, birth and death dates betray a lack of order. See his comments to Bemidbar 16:1 where he contrasts his and Ibn Ezra's approach to Biblical order, and states, "על דעתי כל התורה כסדר זולתי במקום אשר יפרש הכתוב ההקדמה והאיחור, וגם שם לצורך ענין ולטעם נכון".  [See his similar comments in Vayikra 16:1.]
For many examples where Ramban comes head to head with Ibn Ezra on the issue, rejecting his claims of achronology, see: Bereshit 11:32-12:1 (regarding when Hashem told Avraham to depart to Canaan), Shemot 18:1 (regarding Yitro's arrival), Shemot 32:11 (regarding Moshe's prayer after the sin of the Golden Calf),  and Bemidbar 16:1 (regarding Korach's Rebellion). See also Bereshit 24:64, Shemot 4:19, Vayikra 9:6, 25:1, Devarim 4:41, and 31:24.
See also the many cases where  Ramban argues against Chazal or Rashi on the issue: Shemot 12:40 (regarding the timing of the Covenant Between the Pieces), 24:1, 33:7, Vayikra 8:2, 14:43, 15:9, and Bemidbar 10:45.

⁸⁵ In this he differs from Rashi and Ibn Ezra who will often offer no explanation at all for achronology or suggest that the non historical ordering comes to teach a moral lesson.

⁸⁶ See Vayikra 8:2, where he writes, "כי כן דרך הכתובים בכל מקום להשלים הענין אשר התחיל בו". As an example, see Bereshit 11:31 and 35:28 where he notes Tanakh's tendency to record the deaths of individuals and finish the story of their lives before proceeding to tell the story of another Biblical figure, even if the death occurred after events to be told later.  See also Bereshit 23:2 (in explaining the opinion of the Sages), Shemot 2:1, 18:12, 20:14, 32:6, Vayikra 16:1, 23, Bemidbar 8:2, 9:1-2, 21:1, 27:12 and Devarim 2:24.

⁸⁷ This is evident in his introductions to each book of Torah where he lays out the unique character and themes of the book, explaining why they include what they do.  For example, he suggests that  all of Bereshit, not just its first two chapters, should be considered a "book of creation", explaining how the Avot "create" the future through their actions. [See below about this concept of מעשה אבות סימן לבנים] He asserts that Shemot is about exile and redemption, connecting the latter to Hashem's presence.  Thus, he explains that that the book closes only after the building of the Mishkan, when Hashem's presence returned to dwell among the people. He explains how Vayikra is about the sacrificial service and how most of the other laws that are mentioned there connect in some way to that service. Finally, he notes that Devarim revolves around Moshe's recounting of mitzvot to the nation on the eve of their arrival in Israel.  It, therefore, includes both laws already taught and some new laws, but no priestly cultic law, as the priests were in no need of review.

⁸⁸ See, for instance, Bemidbar 5:6 where he explains why the laws of Sotah and Nazir are mentioned in Sefer Bemidbar and not in Sefer Vayikra, Shemot 21:1 on the order of the laws within Parashat Mishpatim, Vayikra 23:2 regarding why only certain laws of holidays appear there, while, others such as the mussaf sacrifices, are mentioned first in Bemidbar, or Bemidbar 15:2 where he explains why the laws of libations are first mentioned after the sin of the spies.  For other examples, see Bereshit 1:1,  Shemot 25:1 and 35:1, Vayikra 11:1, 25:1, 27:1, Bemidbar 7:1, 8:2, 15:22, 19:2, 28:2, Devarim 1:1, 3:23-24, 4:3, 41,11:32, 12:30, 15:12. 16:1, 17:2, and 31:24.

⁸⁹ See, for example, Bereshit 48:18 (regarding the order of Yaakov's wives and sons) Vayikra 14:54 (regarding the order of the types of Tzara'at mentioned in the unit's conclusion), or Vayikra 21:18 (regarding the order of the blemishes listed).

⁹⁰ In this he follows earlier Northern French peshat commentators such as Rashbam and R"Y Bekhor Shor.

⁹¹ Thus, for examples, he claims that Shemot 1:1 repeats Bereshit 46:8 so as to resume the narrative of the earlier book and notes the similar phenomenon in Ezra 1, which recapitulates the last verse of Divrei HaYamim.  See also Vayikra 23:2, Bemidbar 5:20-21, Devarim 4:47.  Elsewhere, he claims that even repetition within a single verse might serve the same role. For examples, see Bereshit 6:9-10 (אֵלֶּה תּוֹלְדֹת / וַיּוֹלֶד) , Bereshit 46:2 (double ויאמר), Shemot 1:15-16 (double ויאמר), Shemot 4:9 (וְהָיוּ), Vayikra 27:3  (וְהָיָה עֶרְכְּךָ) and Devarim 18:6 (יָבֹא/ וּבָא). For further discussion of this methodology, see Redundancy or for an interactive module on the topic, see Resumptive Repetition.

⁹² He notes this principle in Shemot 16:4, "אבל הכתוב יקצר בדברים הנכפלים בענין הצווי או בספור, כאשר הזכרתי לך פעמים רבים" and explains the reasoning in Shemot 10:2: "וסבת זה שלא ירצה להאריך בשניהם, ופעם יקצר בזה ופעם בזה".  However, he does not explain Tanakh's rationale for when it decides to only include the command, when only its fulfillment and when both.  For other examples where Ramban notes the phenomenon, see: Shemot 4:17, 4:21, 5:4, 9:18,11:1, 12:21, 32:27, Vayikra 9:2, Bemidbar 16:5,  20:21, 30:2. Cf. Radak on Yehoshua 4:9, 14:9, Shemuel I 7:12 and Melakhim I 18:22 who similarly notes that at times a command must be assumed to have been given, even if not written.
See also Prophetic Actions Without Explicit Divine Sanction and Invoking Hashem's Name Without Explicit Divine Sanction for how this plays into Ramban's understanding of prophetic autonomy and whether prophets ever act on their own or is it to be assumed that even when the text is silent, they are acting under Divine command.

⁹³ See, for example, Bereshit 24:45, 31:7, 41:3, 42:21, 42:34. 44:7, 21, Devarim 1:45, and 3:23.

⁹⁴ See, for example, Devarim 15:1, 16:1, 16:4 and 16:8.

⁹⁵ Thus, the verse would read as if written: "‎גֵר יִהְיֶה זַרְעֲךָ בְּאֶרֶץ לֹא לָהֶם אַרְבַּע מֵאוֹת שָׁנָה וַעֲבָדוּם וְעִנּוּ אֹתָם". See Duration of the Egyptian Exile for how this reading affects the dispute regarding the length of the exile and bondage. See other examples brought in Bereshit 15:13, and see also Bereshit 8:5, Vayikra 1:15, 25:20 (and how this reading affects one's understanding of the the Pre-Shemittah Blessing of the Produce), Bemidbar 19:2 (end), 20:8, 22:33 (and see similarly Bereshit 30:30 for other examples relating to the placement of the word "גם"). Elsewhere, Ramban does not use the language of "מקרא מסורס" but notes the same phenomenon. See Bereshit 19:17, 24:10, 37:2, 49:3, Vayikra 1:1, 1:2, Devarim 9:3 and 33:2.  In all of these Ramban notes the misplaced modifier and rearranges the order of the verse, prefacing the reorderring with the word "שיעורו.." or "כמו". Elsewhere Ramban will note the misplaced clause and tell the reader that it refers back to a different section, using the language of "חזור/שב אל "  or "דבק/קשור עם"  and the like. See Bemidbar 3:4, 4:32, 5:15, Devarim 1:13, 10:12, and 34:11.
There are several places where Ramban argues against Rash or Ibn Ezra's suggestions of reordering.  See, for example, Bereshit 2:19, Shemot 2:5, Vayikra 22:2, Bemidbar 14:21, Devarim 5:5, 6:3.

⁹⁶ See similarly Bereshit 12:1 where he notes that the seemingly extraneous "לך" in the phrase "לך-לך" is not significant for often variations of the preposition "ל" (such as לך, לו, לכם) will accompany a verb. For some of many other examples, see Bereshit 17:18 (that Tanakh might double its language for emphasis; cf. Bereshit 23:!3, 34:23, 37:2 and 37:24),  Bereshit 23:9 (that the language of "giving" is often used in the context of sales), 36:25 (that in geneology lists females are explicitly mentioned as being "the daughter of so and so"), 46:7 (that when listing the genealogy of many people, the text might refer to an individual in the plural form), Shemot 12:28 and Vayikra 24:23 (that the narrator might mention the fulfillment of a command twice as a form of praise), Shemot 15:1 (that the future tense might refer to the past), Shemot 27:20 (that at times, for emphasis,Tanakh includes both a pronoun even if this is understood from the verb form) or Shemot 33:11 (that the text uses the term נער when referring to a servant (משרת).
See also 

⁹⁷ See, for example, Bereshit 39:14 and examples there. See also 46:29 regarding instances in which a verb  refers to a subject mentioned only afterwards.

⁹⁸ See Bereshit 22:4 where he notes that often the verb "נתן" is simply assumed (see also Bereshit 25:28, Devarim 6:2),

⁹⁹ See Bereshit 24:10, 45:23, Shemot 23:18,

¹⁰⁰ See Shemot 32:32,

¹⁰¹ See Bereshit 4:1, 32:7, Shemot 4:5, 9:27, 16:1, Vayikra 7:21, Bemidbar 16:11, 21:18

¹⁰² See Bereshit 36:7 for many examples of words which are missing the definite article, "ה"

¹⁰³ See, for example, Bereshit 46:29, where Ramban determines the subject of the phrase "וַיֵּבְךְּ עַל צַוָּארָיו עוֹד" to be Yaakov rather than Yosef, noting that it is much more likely that it is the elderly father, who has not seen his son in years, who is sobbing, rather than the young son who stands as second in command in Egypt.  See also his comments to Shemot 2:24, which describes how the Israelites react to the the death of Paroh, not with happiness, but with sighs.  Ramban explains that fear of the unknown and potential for an even worse monarch eclipsed any happiness over the old monarch's death.  For other examples, see Bereshit 4:8, 18:15, 28:20, 29:12,27, 30:1-2, 41:38, Shemot 1:10, 2:11, 32:16, Bemidbar 13:20, 16:1, 4.

¹⁰⁴ See list of examples above, under the discussion regarding Ramban's updates.

¹⁰⁵ See Bemidbar 16:30 where he turns to geology to prove the miraculous nature of the earth's swallowing Korach.

¹⁰⁶ See Bereshit 9:12-13, where he discusses the science behind rainbows and Shemot 9:9 on dust and drought.

¹⁰⁷ See Bereshit 2:24, 8:9, 15:11, 30:14,  30:35, Shemot 10:14, 21:31.

¹⁰⁸ See the many cases where he references medical books and doctors or otherwise draws on his knowledge of medicine: Bereshit 30:14 ("אבל לא ראיתי כן באחד מספרי הרפואות המדברים בהם"), Bereshit 45:26 (וזה הענין ידוע בבא השמחה פתאום, והוזכר בספרי הרפואות), and Vayikra 11:13 ("ראיתי בקצת ספרי הנסיונות שחלב החזיר אם ינק היונק ממנו יהיה אותו הנער מצורע").  See also Bereshit 19:17, 31:35, Vayikra 3:9, 12:2,  13:3, 13:29, 18:19 and Bemidbar 21:9.

¹⁰⁹ For example, see Bereshit 29:13 where he explains that though Rachel runs to her father to tell him his relative has come, Rivka runs to her mother so as to show her the jewelry she had received, "as is the way of young women".  See also Bereshit 19:12 (כי דרך מוסר לשלוחים להציל בעל ביתם וכל אשר לו), 24:15, Bereshit 27:12, 33, 29:30, 35:8 (end), 37:3,26,  38:3, 15, 18, 47:7, 49:21, Shemot 21:19-20, 22:6, 22:12, 30:19, 39:37, and Devarim 21:12.

¹¹⁰ See Bereshit 38:24, Devarim 16:22, 23:19.

¹¹¹ In this he stands in contrast to Rashi who claims that at least the "חקים" of Torah have no reason, "חקים אלו גזרות מלך שאין טעם לדבר". Ramban disagrees, explaining that the Sages statement that these are "decrees of a king" means only that Hashem did not reveal their reason, not that there is none: ואין הכונה בהם שתהיה גזרת מלך מלכי המלכים בשום מקום בלא טעם, כי כל אמרת אלוה צרופה (משלי ל׳:ה׳), רק החוקים הם גזרות מלך אשר יחוק במלכותו בלי שיגלה תועלתם לעם.(Vayikra 19:19).

¹¹² The two often argue regarding the specific reason for any given law, but on the principle that mitzvot have benefits and utility, they concur.  For examples of where they come head to head in their understanding of specific mitzvot, see Purpose of the Sacrifices

¹¹³ See also Devarim 6:20 where he lists several different types of laws, showing how each is beneficial:: "Edot" testify to God's miracles, instilling belief, "Mishpatim," which include much of civil law, promote societal well-being, and even ":chukim" whose reasons are not self-evident, are  "לטוב לנו ... אין בהם חוק שתהיה בו רעה כלל".

¹¹⁴ See Devarim 4:6 and 22:6, "אין התועלת במצות להקב״ה בעצמו יתעלה אבל התועלת באדם עצמו, למנוע ממנו נזק, או אמונה רעה, או מדה מגונה".

¹¹⁵ See the extensive discussion in Shemot 13:16 regarding the many mitzvot which were instituted to remember past miracles, such as the Exodus. Ramban notes that miracles attest to God's role as Creator and His continued providence.  However, as Hashem does not perform such open miracles daily for every person, there is a need to remember those He has performed in the past so as to ensure continued belief in God. Cf. similar comments in Devarim 6:20. Ramban also notes that several laws were instituted as a reaction to idolatry. See for instance Vayikra 2:11 regarding the prohibition of leavening and honey on sacrifices, Devarim 16:21 regarding planting an Asherah near an altar, and Devarim 16:22 regarding monuments.

¹¹⁶ See, for example,his comments regarding the health benefits of observing Kashrut (Vayikra 11:9, 13) and Orlah (Vayikra 19:23-25), or the hygienic benefits of the laws of impurity in Vayikra 12:4.

¹¹⁷ For many examples, see Shemot 13:16 (regarding Tefillin and the many laws instituted to remember the Exodus), Shemot 20:13 (regarding many of the ten commandments), Shemot 20:21 (on the prohibition of making an altar with cut stones), Vayikra 9:1 (where he argues with Rambam regarding the Purpose of the Sacrifices), Vayikra 11:9 and 13 (on Kashrut)  Vayikra 16:2 (regarding the Service of Vayikra 16),  Vayikra  16:8 (regarding the Goat Sent to Azazel) Vayikra 17:11 (on the Prohibition of Blood), Vayikra 13:47 (regarding Tzara'at), Vayikra 18:28 (on the punishment of Karet), Vayikra 19:19 (on the Laws of Hybrids), Vayikra 19:23-25 (on the Purpose of Orlah), Vayikra 25:29 (land redemption), Bemidbar 6:11 (Chatat of the Nazirite), Bemidbar 19:2 (פרה אדומה), Bemidbar 21:21 (prohibition to conquer the land of Sichon) Devarim 4:9 (not to forget Revelation), Devarim 22:6 (קַן צִפּוֹר).  Regarding even simply the details of certain laws, see Vayikra 3:1 and 7:9.  Many of Ramban's reasons are rationalistic, though some are kabbalistic as well.

¹¹⁸ See Shemot 20:22, where he writes, "ולמצות השם טעמים רבים בכל אחת, כי יש בכל אחת תועלות רבות לגוף ולנפש". For example, he gives multiple reasons for the mitzvot of kashrut, orlah, and the prohibition of blood, some spiritual in nature and others more utilitarian.

¹¹⁹ Radak is an exception and Ramban follows his lead here.

¹²⁰ See, for example, Bereshit 13:1 where Ramban questions why the verse goes out of its way to state that Avraham returned from Egypt "with his wife and all that was his", explaining that the verse wants to highlight Hashem's providence, how Avraham left Egypt with all the wealth given him and nothing was stolen.  See also 14:18 (regarding why the verse shares that Malki Tzedek was a "כהן לאל עליון"), 16:2 (on why the verse states "וַיִּשְׁמַע אַבְרָם לְקוֹל שָׂרָי" and not simply "ויעש כן"), 18:1 (explaining why the verse needs to locate the event as occurring in Elonei Mamrei).  For some of many other examples, see Bereshit 22:24, 24:1, 61, 67, 26:1, 27:15, 28:5, 29:30, 30:5, 31:24, 34:2, 35:13, 37:14, 38:7, 40:7, 41:6, Shemot 15:25, 16:2, Vayikra 7:28, 12:4, Bemidbar 1:18, 2:4, 12:16, 20:1, 25:12, 26:9,58.

¹²¹ For many examples, see Bereshit 1:1 (on the necessity to start Torah with the story of Creation), 4:17 (regarding Kayin's building a city), 5:4 (the inclusion of the genealogy lists), 9:18 (Noach's drunkenness), 10:5 ( the list of descendants of Noach and the story of the tower of Bavel), 23:19 (the burial of Sarah) 25:17 (the age of death of Yishmael), Bereshit 29:2 (the story of Yaakov and the shepherds), 36:31 (the list of kings of Edom), 37:15 (Yosef's not being able to find the brothers in Shekhem), 46:15 (the 70 descendants of Yaakov), or 47:14 (Yosef's Economic Policies in Egypt).  As noted above, the influence of Radak on Ramban is evident in both the methodology as a whole and in some of the specific examples.

¹²² For example, Ramban notes that the story of Noach's drunkenness (Bereshit 9:18) is included in Torah to teach that even the righteous are not immune to the ill effects of wine, and to show why the descendants of Shem merited Canaan's land (Cf. Ibn Ezra 9:18 and Radak 9:20, and Ramban Bereshit 49:12, Bemidbar 5:6, 6:11 on the evils of wine). The story of Avraham's burial of Sarah (Bereshit 23:19) is included to both demonstrate Hashem's fulfillment of the promise to Avraham that his name will become great and to publicize the site of the graves of the righteous.  Kayin's building of cities and the inventions of Lemekh's children are mentioned to show historical progress (Bereshit 4:17). Finally Yosef's Economic Policies in Egypt demonstrates Yosef's wisdom (Bereshit 47:14).

¹²³ See also his introduction to Sefer Shemot where he similarly writes, "השלים הכתוב ספר בראשית שהוא ספר היצירה בחידוש העולם ויצירת כל נוצר ובמקרי האבות שהם כענין יצירה לזרעם, מפני שכל מקריהם ציורי דברים לרמוז ולהודיע כל עתיד לבא להם".

¹²⁴ Ramban's formulation of the principle even echoes the language of R. Yehoshua who had stated, "סִימָן נָתַן לוֹ הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְאַבְרָהָם, שֶׁכָּל מַה שֶּׁאֵרַע לוֹ אֵרַע לְבָנָיו."

¹²⁵ Ramban, for example, suggests that the future exiles to Egypt and Bavel are predicted already in Avraham's descent to Egypt (Bereshit 12:10) and Yitzchak's sojourn by the Philistines (Bereshit 26:1) respectively. Aspects of the stories of the Battle of the Kings (Bereshit 14:1), the Covenant of the Pieces (Bereshit 15:12), and Yaakov's Dream in Beit El (Bereshit 28:12) each foretell the four kingdoms which are to rule over Israel.  The stories of both Yitzchak's digging of wells (Bereshit 26:20) and Yaakov's meeting by a well (Bereshit 29:2)  hint to the future Mikdash, while the "עגלה משולשת ועז משולשת" in the Covenant of the Pieces represent the three types of sacrifices (Bereshit 15:9-10). For other examples, see Ramban on Bereshit 12:9, 13:17, 14:18, 16:6-9, 26:32, Bereshit 32 introduction, 32:4, 9, 17, 26, 33:15, 33:18, 36:43, 43: 14 and 47:28. 
In some of these cases, Ramban suggests that the actions of the Patriarchs actually determined future history (12:6), while in others they might simply hint to what is to come (Bereshit 26:1 or 32:9). In yet other cases, what happens to the descendants is a measure for measure payback for deeds of the forefathers (12:10, 16:6).

¹²⁶ See his praise of the land in shemot 3:8,

¹²⁷ See his comments to Vayikra 18:25 and Devarim 11:10 and less explicitly in Bereshit 12:1-2, 24:3, 28:21,2, 33:20.

¹²⁸ See his comments to Vayikra 18:25, Devarim 4:5 and 11:18.  He uses this distinction to explain how the Avot (whom he maintains kept mitzvot voluntarily) transgressed certain mitzvot, such as marrying two sisters, explaining that they only kept the laws in the land of Israel (Bereshit 26:5). [For further discussion, see Avot and Mitzvot – Was Avraham the First Jew.]

¹²⁹ In this he is drawing off Sifre Devaim 11:17, "אף על פי שאני מגלה אתכם מן הארץ לחוצה לארץ הוו מצויינין במצות, שכשתחזרו לא יהו עליכם חדשים".

¹³⁰ See his comments to Vayikra 18:2 how the land cannot stand impurity and this vomits out those who commit sexual offenses, worship idolatry, or Bemidbar 35:34 where he notes that Hashem's presence cannot bear to stay in Israel is innocent blood is shed there. The idea is reflected also in Ramban's stance that the punishment of tzara'at is inflicted only in Israel (Vayikra 13:47).

¹³¹ See Bemidbar 35:33. This applies even to non Jews. See Ramban on the destruction of Sedom , "כי יש באומות רעים וחטאים מאד ולא עשה בהם ככה, אבל למעלת הארץ הזאת היה הכל, כי שם היכל י״י" (Bereshit 19:5; see also Bereshit 1:1 and Vayikra 18:25). Though others might have sinned similarly, only Sedom was destroyed for the land of Israel could not bear its transgressions.

¹³² See, for example, his understanding that the Banishment of Hagar and Yishmael was a justified reaction to Yishmael's evil conduct (Bereshit 21:9), or that the Sale of the Birthright was  fair deal, reflecting Esav's true valuation of the birthright (Bereshit 25:32).

¹³³ According to Ramban, this sin was the ultimate cause of the exile and bondage in Egypt. See Bereshit 12:10 and Endangering Sarai in Egypt. See also Bereshit 16:6, where Ramban claims that Sarah sinned in her Treatment of Hagar.