Difference between revisions of "Sin of the Golden Calf/2"
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<h2>Overview</h2> | <h2>Overview</h2> | ||
− | <p>In | + | <p>In attempting to understand the Sin of the Golden Calf, exegetes find themselves in a quandary.  On one hand, the sin must have been egregious enough to merit the nation's near-destruction, yet on the other hand it is difficult to fathom how they, and especially Aharon, could blunder so greatly so soon after the Revelation at Mt. Sinai. Commentators find different balances between these competing issues, leading to varying understandings of the people's sin and their degree of guilt.</p> |
− | <p>R. Saadia Gaon prefers to read the nation as having actually betrayed Hashem.  He presents them as viewing the Calf as a god and ascribes to them the sin of | + | <p>R. Saadia Gaon prefers to read the nation as having actually betrayed Hashem.  He presents them as viewing the Calf as a god and ascribes to them the sin of belief in idolatry, while trying to defend only Aharon's role.  The Kuzari, in contrast, attempts to minimize both Aharon and the people's sin, portraying them as having positive, albeit misguided, intentions.  The nation desired a tangible object which could represent Hashem and to whom they could direct their worship.  They erred only in not recognizing that all graven images are prohibited, even of Hashem Himself.  </p> |
− | <p>R"Y Bekhor Shor goes the furthest in his defense of the nation, divorcing the people's actions from any form of idolatry or disloyalty to Hashem.  He has the people ask | + | <p>R"Y Bekhor Shor goes the furthest in his defense of the nation, divorcing the people's actions from any form of idolatry or disloyalty to Hashem.  He has the people ask to replace only the missing Moshe, not Hashem.  Finally, it is also possible that different portions of the nation viewed the Calf in different ways, and that the above approaches are not mutually exclusive.</p></div> |
<approaches> | <approaches> | ||
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<mekorot><multilink><a href="PhiloTheSpecialLawsIIIXXII-125" data-aht="source">Philo</a><a href="PhiloTheSpecialLawsIIIXXII-125" data-aht="source">The Special Laws, III XXII:125</a><a href="Philo" data-aht="parshan">About Philo</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="BavliSanhedrin63a" data-aht="source">Talmud Bavli</a><a href="BavliSanhedrin63a" data-aht="source">Sanhedrin 63a</a><a href="BavliAvodahZarah53b" data-aht="source">Avodah Zarah 53b</a><a href="Talmud Bavli" data-aht="parshan">About the Bavli</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="TanchumaKiTisa19" data-aht="source">Tanchuma</a><a href="TanchumaKiTisa19" data-aht="source">Ki Tisa 19</a><a href="TanchumaShemini4" data-aht="source">Shemini 4</a><a href="Tanchuma" data-aht="parshan">About the Tanchuma</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="TargumPseudo-JonathanShemot32-3-6" data-aht="source">Targum Pseudo-Jonathan</a><a href="TargumPseudo-JonathanShemot32-3-6" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:3-6</a><a href="Targum Pseudo-Jonathan" data-aht="parshan">About Targum Pseudo-Jonathan</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="PirkeiDeRabbiEliezer45" data-aht="source">Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer</a><a href="PirkeiDeRabbiEliezer45" data-aht="source">45</a><a href="Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer" data-aht="parshan">About Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RSaadiaGaonCommentaryShemot32-1-6" data-aht="source">R. Saadia Gaon</a><a href="RSaadiaGaonCommentaryShemot32-1-6" data-aht="source">Commentary Shemot 32:1-6</a><a href="R. Saadia Gaon" data-aht="parshan">About R. Saadia Gaon</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RashiShemot32-1-6" data-aht="source">Rashi</a><a href="RashiShemot32-1-6" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1-6</a><a href="R. Shelomo Yitzchaki (Rashi)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shelomo Yitzchaki</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="LekachTovBereshit32-1" data-aht="source">Lekach Tov</a><a href="LekachTovBereshit32-1" data-aht="source">Bereshit 32:1</a><a href="R. Toviah b. Eliezer (Lekach Tov)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Toviah b. Eliezer</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RAvrahambHaRambamShemot32-4-9" data-aht="source">R. Avraham b. HaRambam</a><a href="RAvrahambHaRambamShemot32-4-9" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:4-9</a><a href="RAvrahambHaRambamShemot32-22_2" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:22</a><a href="R. Avraham Maimonides" data-aht="parshan">About R. Avraham Maimonides</a></multilink></mekorot> | <mekorot><multilink><a href="PhiloTheSpecialLawsIIIXXII-125" data-aht="source">Philo</a><a href="PhiloTheSpecialLawsIIIXXII-125" data-aht="source">The Special Laws, III XXII:125</a><a href="Philo" data-aht="parshan">About Philo</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="BavliSanhedrin63a" data-aht="source">Talmud Bavli</a><a href="BavliSanhedrin63a" data-aht="source">Sanhedrin 63a</a><a href="BavliAvodahZarah53b" data-aht="source">Avodah Zarah 53b</a><a href="Talmud Bavli" data-aht="parshan">About the Bavli</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="TanchumaKiTisa19" data-aht="source">Tanchuma</a><a href="TanchumaKiTisa19" data-aht="source">Ki Tisa 19</a><a href="TanchumaShemini4" data-aht="source">Shemini 4</a><a href="Tanchuma" data-aht="parshan">About the Tanchuma</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="TargumPseudo-JonathanShemot32-3-6" data-aht="source">Targum Pseudo-Jonathan</a><a href="TargumPseudo-JonathanShemot32-3-6" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:3-6</a><a href="Targum Pseudo-Jonathan" data-aht="parshan">About Targum Pseudo-Jonathan</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="PirkeiDeRabbiEliezer45" data-aht="source">Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer</a><a href="PirkeiDeRabbiEliezer45" data-aht="source">45</a><a href="Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer" data-aht="parshan">About Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RSaadiaGaonCommentaryShemot32-1-6" data-aht="source">R. Saadia Gaon</a><a href="RSaadiaGaonCommentaryShemot32-1-6" data-aht="source">Commentary Shemot 32:1-6</a><a href="R. Saadia Gaon" data-aht="parshan">About R. Saadia Gaon</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RashiShemot32-1-6" data-aht="source">Rashi</a><a href="RashiShemot32-1-6" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1-6</a><a href="R. Shelomo Yitzchaki (Rashi)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shelomo Yitzchaki</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="LekachTovBereshit32-1" data-aht="source">Lekach Tov</a><a href="LekachTovBereshit32-1" data-aht="source">Bereshit 32:1</a><a href="R. Toviah b. Eliezer (Lekach Tov)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Toviah b. Eliezer</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RAvrahambHaRambamShemot32-4-9" data-aht="source">R. Avraham b. HaRambam</a><a href="RAvrahambHaRambamShemot32-4-9" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:4-9</a><a href="RAvrahambHaRambamShemot32-22_2" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:22</a><a href="R. Avraham Maimonides" data-aht="parshan">About R. Avraham Maimonides</a></multilink></mekorot> | ||
<point><b>"עֲשֵׂה לָנוּ אֱלֹהִים"</b> – These sources understand the word "אֱלֹהִים" to mean deity.  However, they disagree whether, in building the calf, the nation was totally forsaking Hashem in favor of a new god,<fn>See Pirkei de Rabbi Eliezer who claims that they "forgot Hashem".</fn> or if they were planning on worshiping the calf together with Hashem (שיתוף).‎<fn>R. Yochanan in Bavli Sanhedrin points to the plural form of the statement, "אֵלֶּה אֱלֹהֶיךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר הֶעֱלוּךָ מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם" to prove that the people still believed in Hashem, but had just added another god to their pantheon.  R. Shimon b. Yochai, in contrast, says the plural form does not lessen the sin's severity but rather intensifies it, as it implies that the nation desired multiple gods even beyond the calf.  See Rashi who explains similarly, but picks up on the plural form of the verb "יֵלְכוּ" in the pharse "עֲשֵׂה לָנוּ אֱלֹהִים אֲשֶׁר יֵלְכוּ לְפָנֵינוּ".</fn></point> | <point><b>"עֲשֵׂה לָנוּ אֱלֹהִים"</b> – These sources understand the word "אֱלֹהִים" to mean deity.  However, they disagree whether, in building the calf, the nation was totally forsaking Hashem in favor of a new god,<fn>See Pirkei de Rabbi Eliezer who claims that they "forgot Hashem".</fn> or if they were planning on worshiping the calf together with Hashem (שיתוף).‎<fn>R. Yochanan in Bavli Sanhedrin points to the plural form of the statement, "אֵלֶּה אֱלֹהֶיךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר הֶעֱלוּךָ מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם" to prove that the people still believed in Hashem, but had just added another god to their pantheon.  R. Shimon b. Yochai, in contrast, says the plural form does not lessen the sin's severity but rather intensifies it, as it implies that the nation desired multiple gods even beyond the calf.  See Rashi who explains similarly, but picks up on the plural form of the verb "יֵלְכוּ" in the pharse "עֲשֵׂה לָנוּ אֱלֹהִים אֲשֶׁר יֵלְכוּ לְפָנֵינוּ".</fn></point> | ||
− | <point><b> | + | <point><b>Impact of Moshe's delay</b><ul> |
− | <li><b>Lost access to Divine</b> – R. Avraham b. HaRambam claims that the Israelites believed that only someone as perfect as Moshe could access Hashem, and that without him, they did not have the power to do so.  As such, when they assumed that Moshe was not coming back,<fn>Cf. Rashi who asserts that the Satan had brought chaos and darkness to the world, leading the people to conclude that Moshe had died.</fn> they decided to return to the idolatry they had known in Egypt.<fn>R. Avraham b. HaRambam suggests that Hashem calls the nation an "עַם קְשֵׁה עֹרֶף" because they had turned back towards the idolatry of Egypt.</fn></li> | + | <li><b>Lost access to the Divine</b> – R. Avraham b. HaRambam claims that the Israelites believed that only someone as perfect as Moshe could access Hashem, and that without him, they did not have the power to do so.  As such, when they assumed that Moshe was not coming back,<fn>Cf. Rashi who asserts that the Satan had brought chaos and darkness to the world, leading the people to conclude that Moshe had died.</fn> they decided to return to the idolatry they had known in Egypt.<fn>R. Avraham b. HaRambam suggests that Hashem calls the nation an "עַם קְשֵׁה עֹרֶף" because they had turned back towards the idolatry of Egypt.</fn></li> |
<li><b>Lost a perceived deity</b> – Alternatively, this position could posit that the nation had actually perceived Moshe Himself as a god, thinking that all the miracles he performed stemmed from his own powers.  Thus, when they believed that he was not returning, they created a new god to take his place.</li> | <li><b>Lost a perceived deity</b> – Alternatively, this position could posit that the nation had actually perceived Moshe Himself as a god, thinking that all the miracles he performed stemmed from his own powers.  Thus, when they believed that he was not returning, they created a new god to take his place.</li> | ||
</ul></point> | </ul></point> | ||
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<point><b>"חַג לַי"י מָחָר"</b> – This position must explain why Hashem's proper name is used here, if the people were looking to the Calf as an alternative god: <br/> | <point><b>"חַג לַי"י מָחָר"</b> – This position must explain why Hashem's proper name is used here, if the people were looking to the Calf as an alternative god: <br/> | ||
<ul> | <ul> | ||
− | <li><b>People's shorthand</b> | + | <li><b>People's shorthand</b> – This approach could understand this phrase to mean that "tomorrow there will be a feast for [the god who is replacing] Hashem".</li> |
<li><b>Aharon's perspective</b> – Rashi, however, asserts that, in contrast to the nation, Aharon had no idolatrous thoughts, and really was speaking about Hashem Himself when he said "חַג לַי"י מָחָר".  He was certain that by the morrow, Moshe would arrive and the people would return to serving Hashem.</li> | <li><b>Aharon's perspective</b> – Rashi, however, asserts that, in contrast to the nation, Aharon had no idolatrous thoughts, and really was speaking about Hashem Himself when he said "חַג לַי"י מָחָר".  He was certain that by the morrow, Moshe would arrive and the people would return to serving Hashem.</li> | ||
</ul></point> | </ul></point> | ||
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<point><b>Sinning so soon after Matan Torah</b> – These sources offer several defenses of the nation: | <point><b>Sinning so soon after Matan Torah</b> – These sources offer several defenses of the nation: | ||
<ul> | <ul> | ||
− | <li><b>Influence of mixed multitudes (ערב רב)</b> – Tanchuma, Rashi and R. Avraham b. HaRambam (in the name of his grandfather) attempt to defend the people by suggesting that the idolatry was not really their initiative, but that of the mixed multitudes who had joined the nation upon leaving Egypt.  Tanchuma claims that it was their magic which produced the calf and animated it leading the people to believe in it.<fn>Cf. Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer which has the Satan play this role.  The midrash points to the verse in Tehillim 106 which describes the calf as "תַבְנִית שׁוֹר אֹכֵל עֵשֶׂב" to show that they enabled it to eat.</fn>  As support, Rashi points to the fact that the people say "אֵלֶּה אֱלֹהֶ<b>יךָ</b> יִשְׂרָאֵל", speaking from the perspective of outsiders and non-members of Israel.<fn>As further support, Rashi also points to Hashem's choice of language when speaking to Moshe about the nation: "כִּי שִׁחֵת עַמְּ<b>ךָ</b>".  He explains that Hashem was chastising Moshe for having accepted the Erev Rav into the nation; it was only "Moshe's nation" that sinned, not Hashem's.  R. Avraham b. HaRambam similarly claims that Hashem pointed to the "אספסוף" as being n Moshe's charge.</fn></li> | + | <li><b>Influence of mixed multitudes (ערב רב)</b> – Tanchuma, Rashi, and R. Avraham b. HaRambam (in the name of his grandfather) attempt to defend the people by suggesting that the idolatry was not really their initiative, but that of the mixed multitudes who had joined the nation upon leaving Egypt.  Tanchuma claims that it was their magic which produced the calf and animated it leading the people to believe in it.<fn>Cf. Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer which has the Satan play this role.  The midrash points to the verse in Tehillim 106 which describes the calf as "תַבְנִית שׁוֹר אֹכֵל עֵשֶׂב" to show that they enabled it to eat.</fn>  As support, Rashi points to the fact that the people say "אֵלֶּה אֱלֹהֶ<b>יךָ</b> יִשְׂרָאֵל", speaking from the perspective of outsiders and non-members of Israel.<fn>As further support, Rashi also points to Hashem's choice of language when speaking to Moshe about the nation: "כִּי שִׁחֵת עַמְּ<b>ךָ</b>".  He explains that Hashem was chastising Moshe for having accepted the Erev Rav into the nation; it was only "Moshe's nation" that sinned, not Hashem's.  R. Avraham b. HaRambam similarly claims that Hashem pointed to the "אספסוף" as being n Moshe's charge.</fn></li> |
<li><b>Influence of Satan</b> – Tanchuma, Rashi and Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer also suggest that the Satan further negatively influenced the nation, leading the people to believe that Moshe had died, or helping to create the calf.</li> | <li><b>Influence of Satan</b> – Tanchuma, Rashi and Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer also suggest that the Satan further negatively influenced the nation, leading the people to believe that Moshe had died, or helping to create the calf.</li> | ||
<li><b>Slow to change</b> – Alternatively, it is possible that the people had never really forsaken the idolatrous beliefs they held in Egypt.<fn>For more about the people's beliefs while in Egypt, see <a href="Religious Identity in Egypt" data-aht="page">Religious Identity in Egypt</a>.</fn> One time miracles, even on the scale of Hashem's revelation, are not enough to change a person's mindset for good.  To instill long lasting belief the people needed continuous education and miracles.<fn>See N. Leibowitz, עיונים חדשים בספר שמות (Jerusalem, ):399-400, who develops this idea.  See also R. Bachya regarding the request to leave Egypt or  <a href="A Three Day Journey" data-aht="page">A Three Day Journey,</a>  who claims that originally Hashem had planed on gradually moving the nation into belief of Hashem, knowing that they were not ready.</fn>  Thus, as soon as Moshe left, without a teacher to guide them, the people naturally fell back into their old ways.</li> | <li><b>Slow to change</b> – Alternatively, it is possible that the people had never really forsaken the idolatrous beliefs they held in Egypt.<fn>For more about the people's beliefs while in Egypt, see <a href="Religious Identity in Egypt" data-aht="page">Religious Identity in Egypt</a>.</fn> One time miracles, even on the scale of Hashem's revelation, are not enough to change a person's mindset for good.  To instill long lasting belief the people needed continuous education and miracles.<fn>See N. Leibowitz, עיונים חדשים בספר שמות (Jerusalem, ):399-400, who develops this idea.  See also R. Bachya regarding the request to leave Egypt or  <a href="A Three Day Journey" data-aht="page">A Three Day Journey,</a>  who claims that originally Hashem had planed on gradually moving the nation into belief of Hashem, knowing that they were not ready.</fn>  Thus, as soon as Moshe left, without a teacher to guide them, the people naturally fell back into their old ways.</li> | ||
</ul></point> | </ul></point> | ||
<point><b>Severity of punishment</b> – According to this approach, Hashem's initial desire to wipe out the nation is understandable, as they sinned severely.  Both Rashi and R. Avraham b. HaRambam assert that even after Moshe's prayers, many people were punished by death. Though only 3,000 were killed by the Levites, many more died at Hashem's hand through the plague.</point> | <point><b>Severity of punishment</b> – According to this approach, Hashem's initial desire to wipe out the nation is understandable, as they sinned severely.  Both Rashi and R. Avraham b. HaRambam assert that even after Moshe's prayers, many people were punished by death. Though only 3,000 were killed by the Levites, many more died at Hashem's hand through the plague.</point> | ||
− | <point><b>Polemical motivations</b></point> | + | <point><b>Polemical motivations</b> – R. Saadia's full-throated defense of Aharon's actions may be partially motivated by an attempt to counter Muslim claims that passages in the Torah which portray sins of prophets are forged insertions.<fn>Cf. the discussion of R. Saadia's position on Avraham's actions in <a href="Endangering Sarai in Egypt" data-aht="page">Endangering Sarai in Egypt</a>.  In particular, see note 37 on the Approaches page there.</fn></point> |
</category> | </category> | ||
<category name="Image of Hashem"> | <category name="Image of Hashem"> | ||
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<p>The people viewed the Calf as a concrete object through which they could worship Hashem, similar to the role later played by the Mishkan and Ark.  They did not worship foreign gods, but did transgress the prohibition of "You shall not make a graven image", which includes any representation of Hashem Himself.</p> | <p>The people viewed the Calf as a concrete object through which they could worship Hashem, similar to the role later played by the Mishkan and Ark.  They did not worship foreign gods, but did transgress the prohibition of "You shall not make a graven image", which includes any representation of Hashem Himself.</p> | ||
<mekorot><multilink><a href="Kuzari1-97" data-aht="source">R. Yehuda HaLevi</a><a href="Kuzari1-97" data-aht="source">Kuzari 1:97</a><a href="R. Yehuda HaLevi" data-aht="parshan">About R. Yehuda HaLevi</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary20-19" data-aht="source">Ibn Ezra</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary20-19" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 20:19</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-27" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:27</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotShortCommentary32-19" data-aht="source">Shemot Short Commentary 32:19</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-20" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:20</a><a href="R. Avraham ibn Ezra" data-aht="parshan">About R. Avraham ibn Ezra</a></multilink>,<fn>This is how Ibn Ezra explains the story in his explanation of Shemot 20:19. In his comments on Shemot 32, however, he takes the approach below, that the nation was looking for a guide to replace Moshe.  He also mention there that a portion of the nation erred and viewed the calf as a deity which they began to worship.  As such, in his various comments, Ibn Ezra accounts for all three approaches discussed here.</fn> <multilink><a href="RadakMelakhimI12-28" data-aht="source">Radak</a><a href="RadakMelakhimI12-28" data-aht="source">Melakhim I 12:28</a><a href="R. David Kimchi (Radak)" data-aht="parshan">About R. David Kimchi</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="UCassutoShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Cassuto</a><a href="UCassutoShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1</a><a href="UCassutoShemot32-4" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:4</a><a href="Prof. Umberto Cassuto" data-aht="parshan">About Prof. Umberto Cassuto</a></multilink></mekorot> | <mekorot><multilink><a href="Kuzari1-97" data-aht="source">R. Yehuda HaLevi</a><a href="Kuzari1-97" data-aht="source">Kuzari 1:97</a><a href="R. Yehuda HaLevi" data-aht="parshan">About R. Yehuda HaLevi</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary20-19" data-aht="source">Ibn Ezra</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary20-19" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 20:19</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-27" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:27</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotShortCommentary32-19" data-aht="source">Shemot Short Commentary 32:19</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-20" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:20</a><a href="R. Avraham ibn Ezra" data-aht="parshan">About R. Avraham ibn Ezra</a></multilink>,<fn>This is how Ibn Ezra explains the story in his explanation of Shemot 20:19. In his comments on Shemot 32, however, he takes the approach below, that the nation was looking for a guide to replace Moshe.  He also mention there that a portion of the nation erred and viewed the calf as a deity which they began to worship.  As such, in his various comments, Ibn Ezra accounts for all three approaches discussed here.</fn> <multilink><a href="RadakMelakhimI12-28" data-aht="source">Radak</a><a href="RadakMelakhimI12-28" data-aht="source">Melakhim I 12:28</a><a href="R. David Kimchi (Radak)" data-aht="parshan">About R. David Kimchi</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="UCassutoShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Cassuto</a><a href="UCassutoShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1</a><a href="UCassutoShemot32-4" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:4</a><a href="Prof. Umberto Cassuto" data-aht="parshan">About Prof. Umberto Cassuto</a></multilink></mekorot> | ||
− | <point><b> | + | <point><b>Impact of Moshe's delay</b><ul> |
<li>R. Yehuda HaLevi asserts that when Moshe ascended the mountain, he was supposed to return with the Tablets and Ark which would serve as a tangible object to which the nation could direct their service to Hashem.<fn>Since the nation was used to people who worshiped their gods via idols, they, too, felt a need for some concrete representation of God's presence, and greatly anticipated Moshe's descent.  For elaboration, see <a href="Purpose of the Mishkan" data-aht="page">Purpose of the Mishkan</a>.</fn>  However, when forty days passed they feared that Moshe would never return,<fn>R. Yehuda HaLevi points out that the people might have thought that Moshe was supposed to return within a day or two. Seeing that Moshe had not taken any food with him and that weeks had passed, they naturally concluded the worst.</fn> and decided to create their own physical symbol of Hashem instead.</li> | <li>R. Yehuda HaLevi asserts that when Moshe ascended the mountain, he was supposed to return with the Tablets and Ark which would serve as a tangible object to which the nation could direct their service to Hashem.<fn>Since the nation was used to people who worshiped their gods via idols, they, too, felt a need for some concrete representation of God's presence, and greatly anticipated Moshe's descent.  For elaboration, see <a href="Purpose of the Mishkan" data-aht="page">Purpose of the Mishkan</a>.</fn>  However, when forty days passed they feared that Moshe would never return,<fn>R. Yehuda HaLevi points out that the people might have thought that Moshe was supposed to return within a day or two. Seeing that Moshe had not taken any food with him and that weeks had passed, they naturally concluded the worst.</fn> and decided to create their own physical symbol of Hashem instead.</li> | ||
<li>Cassuto explains similarly but suggests that the nation looked to create a throne for Hashem's providence, similar to the role played by the Keruvim (cherubs) in the Mishkan.<fn>Just as the Keruvim were where Hashem's presence descended, the calf would serve as a pedestal for His glory.</fn> </li> | <li>Cassuto explains similarly but suggests that the nation looked to create a throne for Hashem's providence, similar to the role played by the Keruvim (cherubs) in the Mishkan.<fn>Just as the Keruvim were where Hashem's presence descended, the calf would serve as a pedestal for His glory.</fn> </li> | ||
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<p>Bereft of Moshe's leadership and his connection to the Divine, the people searched for an alternative to guide them in the wilderness.  Their sin was more closely related to sorcery than to idolatry.</p> | <p>Bereft of Moshe's leadership and his connection to the Divine, the people searched for an alternative to guide them in the wilderness.  Their sin was more closely related to sorcery than to idolatry.</p> | ||
<mekorot><multilink><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-1" data-aht="source">Ibn Ezra</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:1</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-27" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:27</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotShortCommentary32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot Short Commentary 32:1</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotShortCommentary32-4" data-aht="source">Shemot Short Commentary 32:4</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotShortCommentary32-19" data-aht="source">Shemot Short Commentary 32:19</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-20" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:20</a><a href="R. Avraham ibn Ezra" data-aht="parshan">About R. Avraham ibn Ezra</a></multilink>,<fn>This is how Ibn Ezra explains the story in his comments to Shemot 32.   In explaining Shemot 20:19, however, he takes the approach above, that the people viewed the Calf as an object via which they could worship Hashem.</fn> <multilink><a href="RashbamShemot32-1-4" data-aht="source">Rashbam,</a><a href="RashbamShemot32-1-4" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1-4</a><a href="R. Shemuel b. Meir (Rashbam)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shemuel b. Meir</a></multilink> <multilink><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot32-1" data-aht="source">R. Yosef Bekhor Shor</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1-8</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot32-20" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:20</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot32-25-26" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:25-26</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot33-7" data-aht="source">Shemot 33:7</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot34-30" data-aht="source">Shemot 34:30</a><a href="R. Yosef Bekhor Shor" data-aht="parshan">About R. Yosef Bekhor Shor</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RambanShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Ramban</a><a href="RambanShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1</a><a href="R. Moshe b. Nachman (Ramban, Nachmanides)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Moshe b. Nachman</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RalbagShemotBeurHaParashah32-1" data-aht="source">Ralbag</a><a href="RalbagShemotBeurHaParashah31-18" data-aht="source">Shemot Beur HaParashah 31:18</a><a href="RalbagShemotBeurHaParashah32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot Beur HaParashah 32:1</a><a href="R. Levi b. Gershom (Ralbag, Gersonides)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Levi b. Gershom</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="AbarbanelShemot32-1-7" data-aht="source">Abarbanel</a><a href="AbarbanelShemot32-1-7" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1-7</a><a href="R. Yitzchak Abarbanel" data-aht="parshan">About R. Yitzchak Abarbanel</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="MaaseiHashemMaaseiTorah12" data-aht="source">R. Eliezer Ashkenazi</a><a href="MaaseiHashemMaaseiTorah11" data-aht="source">Ma'asei Hashem Ma'asei Torah 11</a><a href="MaaseiHashemMaaseiTorah12" data-aht="source">Ma'asei Hashem Ma'asei Torah 12</a><a href="R. Eliezer Ashkenazi (Ma'asei Hashem)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Eliezer Ashkenazi (Ma'asei Hashem)</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="ShadalShemot32-4" data-aht="source">Shadal</a><a href="ShadalShemot32-4" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:4</a><a href="ShadalShemot32-8-9" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:8-9</a><a href="ShadalShemot32-27" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:27</a><a href="R. Shemuel David Luzzatto (Shadal)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shemuel David Luzzatto</a></multilink></mekorot> | <mekorot><multilink><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-1" data-aht="source">Ibn Ezra</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:1</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-27" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:27</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotShortCommentary32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot Short Commentary 32:1</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotShortCommentary32-4" data-aht="source">Shemot Short Commentary 32:4</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotShortCommentary32-19" data-aht="source">Shemot Short Commentary 32:19</a><a href="IbnEzraShemotLongCommentary32-20" data-aht="source">Shemot Long Commentary 32:20</a><a href="R. Avraham ibn Ezra" data-aht="parshan">About R. Avraham ibn Ezra</a></multilink>,<fn>This is how Ibn Ezra explains the story in his comments to Shemot 32.   In explaining Shemot 20:19, however, he takes the approach above, that the people viewed the Calf as an object via which they could worship Hashem.</fn> <multilink><a href="RashbamShemot32-1-4" data-aht="source">Rashbam,</a><a href="RashbamShemot32-1-4" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1-4</a><a href="R. Shemuel b. Meir (Rashbam)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shemuel b. Meir</a></multilink> <multilink><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot32-1" data-aht="source">R. Yosef Bekhor Shor</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1-8</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot32-20" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:20</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot32-25-26" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:25-26</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot33-7" data-aht="source">Shemot 33:7</a><a href="RYosefBekhorShorShemot34-30" data-aht="source">Shemot 34:30</a><a href="R. Yosef Bekhor Shor" data-aht="parshan">About R. Yosef Bekhor Shor</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RambanShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Ramban</a><a href="RambanShemot32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1</a><a href="R. Moshe b. Nachman (Ramban, Nachmanides)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Moshe b. Nachman</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RalbagShemotBeurHaParashah32-1" data-aht="source">Ralbag</a><a href="RalbagShemotBeurHaParashah31-18" data-aht="source">Shemot Beur HaParashah 31:18</a><a href="RalbagShemotBeurHaParashah32-1" data-aht="source">Shemot Beur HaParashah 32:1</a><a href="R. Levi b. Gershom (Ralbag, Gersonides)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Levi b. Gershom</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="AbarbanelShemot32-1-7" data-aht="source">Abarbanel</a><a href="AbarbanelShemot32-1-7" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:1-7</a><a href="R. Yitzchak Abarbanel" data-aht="parshan">About R. Yitzchak Abarbanel</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="MaaseiHashemMaaseiTorah12" data-aht="source">R. Eliezer Ashkenazi</a><a href="MaaseiHashemMaaseiTorah11" data-aht="source">Ma'asei Hashem Ma'asei Torah 11</a><a href="MaaseiHashemMaaseiTorah12" data-aht="source">Ma'asei Hashem Ma'asei Torah 12</a><a href="R. Eliezer Ashkenazi (Ma'asei Hashem)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Eliezer Ashkenazi (Ma'asei Hashem)</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="ShadalShemot32-4" data-aht="source">Shadal</a><a href="ShadalShemot32-4" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:4</a><a href="ShadalShemot32-8-9" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:8-9</a><a href="ShadalShemot32-27" data-aht="source">Shemot 32:27</a><a href="R. Shemuel David Luzzatto (Shadal)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shemuel David Luzzatto</a></multilink></mekorot> | ||
− | <point><b> | + | <point><b>Impact of Moshe's delay</b> – According to these sources, the connection between Moshe's delay and the desire to make a replacement is obvious.  Moshe's prolonged absence<fn>Ibn Ezra and others in his wake point out that the people did not know how long Moshe was supposed to stay on the mountain.  In the midst of the wilderness, his long absence would have easily been cause for anxiety and lead to the natural conclusion that he might have died.</fn> led the people to conclude that he was never to return, prompting them to look for a substitute to lead them.<fn>These sources point out that this approach best explains why the reason given by the nation for their request is "כִּי זֶה מֹשֶׁה הָאִישׁ... לֹא יָדַעְנוּ מֶה הָיָה לוֹ".  There is a direct link between the missing Moshe and the replacement asked for.</fn></point> |
<point><b>Perceptions of Moshe</b> – These sources suggest a variety of possibilities regarding the people's perceptions of Moshe.  Each could have potentially played a role in their actions:<br/> | <point><b>Perceptions of Moshe</b> – These sources suggest a variety of possibilities regarding the people's perceptions of Moshe.  Each could have potentially played a role in their actions:<br/> | ||
<ul> | <ul> |
Version as of 01:54, 26 February 2016
Sin of the Golden Calf
Exegetical Approaches
Overview
In attempting to understand the Sin of the Golden Calf, exegetes find themselves in a quandary. On one hand, the sin must have been egregious enough to merit the nation's near-destruction, yet on the other hand it is difficult to fathom how they, and especially Aharon, could blunder so greatly so soon after the Revelation at Mt. Sinai. Commentators find different balances between these competing issues, leading to varying understandings of the people's sin and their degree of guilt.
R. Saadia Gaon prefers to read the nation as having actually betrayed Hashem. He presents them as viewing the Calf as a god and ascribes to them the sin of belief in idolatry, while trying to defend only Aharon's role. The Kuzari, in contrast, attempts to minimize both Aharon and the people's sin, portraying them as having positive, albeit misguided, intentions. The nation desired a tangible object which could represent Hashem and to whom they could direct their worship. They erred only in not recognizing that all graven images are prohibited, even of Hashem Himself.
R"Y Bekhor Shor goes the furthest in his defense of the nation, divorcing the people's actions from any form of idolatry or disloyalty to Hashem. He has the people ask to replace only the missing Moshe, not Hashem. Finally, it is also possible that different portions of the nation viewed the Calf in different ways, and that the above approaches are not mutually exclusive.
Alternative Deity
The nation viewed the Calf as a god and worshiped it either together with or instead of Hashem. In doing so, they transgressed the commandment, "You shall have no other gods before Me".
- Lost access to the Divine – R. Avraham b. HaRambam claims that the Israelites believed that only someone as perfect as Moshe could access Hashem, and that without him, they did not have the power to do so. As such, when they assumed that Moshe was not coming back,3 they decided to return to the idolatry they had known in Egypt.4
- Lost a perceived deity – Alternatively, this position could posit that the nation had actually perceived Moshe Himself as a god, thinking that all the miracles he performed stemmed from his own powers. Thus, when they believed that he was not returning, they created a new god to take his place.
- Egyptian god – Philo maintains that the people chose a bull to imitate the Egyptian God, Typhos, with whom they would have been familiar.6
- Astrological sign – R. Avraham b. HaRambam cites his father who posits instead that the people might have asked for a calf thinking that it was under the influence of that astrological sign that they left Egypt. Thus, they refer to it as, "אֵלֶּה אֱלֹהֶיךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר הֶעֱלוּךָ מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם".
- People's shorthand – This approach could understand this phrase to mean that "tomorrow there will be a feast for [the god who is replacing] Hashem".
- Aharon's perspective – Rashi, however, asserts that, in contrast to the nation, Aharon had no idolatrous thoughts, and really was speaking about Hashem Himself when he said "חַג לַי"י מָחָר". He was certain that by the morrow, Moshe would arrive and the people would return to serving Hashem.
- Test the people – R. Saadia compares Aharon to Yehu,12 who similarly pretended to promote idolatry, but only so as to test who was really guilty of Baal worship and then kill them. Even though Yehu allowed the people to bring their sacrifices before punishing them (presumably to ascertain true guilt), he was nonetheless praised for his actions. So, too, Aharon only acquiesced to the nation's request so as to determine who was guilty of idolatry.13
- Delay tactics – Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer and Rashi, instead, maintain that throughout Aharon tried to delay the people, hoping that Moshe would arrive before they sinned. Thus, he asked the women specifically for their jewelry, assuming they would not give them up so easily,14 and pushed off the feast until the next day. This defense, however, is not satisfying considering that Aharon should have totally refused to make the idol, even on threat of death. Moreover, it is not at all clear how afterwards he not only avoids all punishment,15 but also merits the priesthood.16
- Influence of mixed multitudes (ערב רב) – Tanchuma, Rashi, and R. Avraham b. HaRambam (in the name of his grandfather) attempt to defend the people by suggesting that the idolatry was not really their initiative, but that of the mixed multitudes who had joined the nation upon leaving Egypt. Tanchuma claims that it was their magic which produced the calf and animated it leading the people to believe in it.17 As support, Rashi points to the fact that the people say "אֵלֶּה אֱלֹהֶיךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל", speaking from the perspective of outsiders and non-members of Israel.18
- Influence of Satan – Tanchuma, Rashi and Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer also suggest that the Satan further negatively influenced the nation, leading the people to believe that Moshe had died, or helping to create the calf.
- Slow to change – Alternatively, it is possible that the people had never really forsaken the idolatrous beliefs they held in Egypt.19 One time miracles, even on the scale of Hashem's revelation, are not enough to change a person's mindset for good. To instill long lasting belief the people needed continuous education and miracles.20 Thus, as soon as Moshe left, without a teacher to guide them, the people naturally fell back into their old ways.
Image of Hashem
The people viewed the Calf as a concrete object through which they could worship Hashem, similar to the role later played by the Mishkan and Ark. They did not worship foreign gods, but did transgress the prohibition of "You shall not make a graven image", which includes any representation of Hashem Himself.
- R. Yehuda HaLevi asserts that when Moshe ascended the mountain, he was supposed to return with the Tablets and Ark which would serve as a tangible object to which the nation could direct their service to Hashem.23 However, when forty days passed they feared that Moshe would never return,24 and decided to create their own physical symbol of Hashem instead.
- Cassuto explains similarly but suggests that the nation looked to create a throne for Hashem's providence, similar to the role played by the Keruvim (cherubs) in the Mishkan.25
- Image of Hashem seen at Sinai – Lekach Tov posits that the people chose a calf since that was the image of Hashem that they saw at Sinai.26 R"A Bazak27 supports this idea by connecting the nation's vision of "מַעֲשֵׂה לִבְנַת הַסַּפִּיר" with Yechezkel's prophecy of "מַרְאֵה אֶבֶן סַפִּיר".28 There Yechezkel describes the four headed creature that he sees as having "the legs of a calf" ("וְכַף רַגְלֵיהֶם כְּכַף רֶגֶל עֵגֶל"), suggesting that at Sinai, too, the people saw a calf.
- Hashem's choice of "throne" – R" A Bazak points to the parallel verses in Yechezkel 1:10 and 10:14 to prove that a "שור" is the same form known elsewhere as "כרובים".29 If so, in making a throne for Hashem the people chose the same image that Hashem Himself had designated for his "throne" in the Mishkan.30
- Convention of the time – Throughout the Ancient Near East, deities were often depicted as standing on pedestals of beasts, usually a bull or lion.31 Aharon might have simply copied the standard artistic convention, with the important difference of not adding any image of Hashem Himself atop the pedestal.
- A lesson to the nation – This approach might claim that Moshe realized that before bringing another concrete symbol of Hashem's presence to the people, he needed to make sure they recognized that it was just a symbol, and not itself worthy of worship. Destroying the tablets was a lesson to the people, dispelling any notion that it was a power on its own.
- Nullifying the covenant – Since the nation transgressed one of the conditions of the covenant, "לֹא תַעֲשֶׂה לְךָ פֶסֶל וְכׇל תְּמוּנָה", they voided the covenant as a whole.38
Guide for the Wilderness
Bereft of Moshe's leadership and his connection to the Divine, the people searched for an alternative to guide them in the wilderness. Their sin was more closely related to sorcery than to idolatry.
- Moshe the prophet – Ramban assumes that the people viewed Moshe as a prophet with special access to the Divine, giving him the ability to perform miracles and knowledge of their future path. Without such access, they felt lost, leading them to look for an alternative "איש אלהים".
- Moshe the magician – Abarbanel posits that throughout their travels, the nation constantly doubted Hashem, and even attributed the Exodus to Moshe and Aharon rather than Him. They assumed that Moshe on his own had special powers to work miracles. Thus, with his absence, they asked Aharon, whom they thought knew Moshe's secrets, to create a different being which might call on similar powers.
- Moshe the fraud – R. Ashkenazi, in contrast, asserts that the people did not doubt Hashem but rather Moshe. Aware of the prophecy that they were supposed to be in Egypt for 400 years, they worried that the early Exodus46 was proof that Moshe was not sent by Hashem but rather that he was acting on his own. As such, they took his disappearance as proof that he must not have been Hashem's messenger, and might have even been happy to replace him.
- Human replacement – R. Yosef Bekhor Shor posits that the nation requested a human alternative to Moshe, and that "אֱלֹהִים" here takes its secular connotation of judge or leader.47 It was Aharon who decided to create an object instead of appointing a person.48
- Object of magical powers – Rashbam, Ralbag and Abarbanel maintain that the Children of Israel requested a talisman which could foretell the future through sorcery or magic, and the word "אֱלֹהִים" refers to something with supernatural abilities.49
- Replacement for the Aron – R. Eliezer Ashkenazi posits that Moshe had promised to bring the people an ark whose job would be to guide and go before them, like a banner, until they reached settled lands.50 It was this "national flag" that they wished to replace.51 According to him, "אֱלֹהִים" might be short for "ארון אלהים", or simply means guide.
- Aharon's initiative – According to R"Y Bekhor Shor it was Aharon's idea to create an inanimate leader rather than appoint a human one.52 He feared that the people would be quick to switch their allegiance to a different human, leading to fighting when Moshe returned. However, if he made a golden form without any powers, as soon as Moshe returned they would abandon it and return to Moshe.
- Nation's initiative - Abarbanel, in contrast, maintains that the people specifically asked for an immobile object that could invoke heavenly powers, rather than a human, since humans are mortal and might disappear (as proven by Moshe). He suggests that they might have chosen a bull as that was the astrological sign following that of the ram which was held sacred by Egypt, and they believed that through it Moshe defeated Egypt.
- Abarbanel asserts that the people did not believe that the calf they had just made actually took them out of Egypt but rather that a form similar to it might have been the source of Moshe's powers that enabled him to successfully lead the people. Ibn Ezra suggests more simply that the people meant that this new leader was replacing he who took them out of Egypt.
- R. Ashkenazi, in contrast, assumes that already with its creation, some people strayed after the Calf and actually believed that it was the power who took them out of Egypt. This stemmed form their belief that the God of Avraham who had decreed that they would be in Egypt or 400 years could not have been the One to lead the Exodus.
- For Hashem – R"Y Bekhor Shor maintains that the sacrifices were for Hashem's honor, a natural part of any inaugural ceremony. He compares it to the celebration when Shaul was anointed, which was similarly accompanied by sacrifices and happiness (the "צחוק" of our verse).
- For idolatry– Ibn Ezra, Ralbag, Abarbanel, and R. Ashkenazi, in contrast, all assert that part of the nation erred and began to worship the Calf as a deity, bowing and sacrificing to it.
- Intentional – Shadal posits that Moshe might have wanted to shock the nation back to their senses, while Ralbag suggests that this was a nullification of the covenant since people had turned the calf into a deity.
- Unintentional - Rashbam, in contrast, asserts that upon seeing the Calf Moshe's strength left him and he dropped the tablets.53 E. Touitou54 suggests that Rashbam's somewhat difficult read of the verse55 might have polemical motivations. Christians understood that the due to the sin, the Sinai Covenant was nullified and subsequent commandments were given to punish the nation for their betrayal of Hashem. As such, Rashbam goes out of his way to show that the sin was not a rejection of Hashem and that it did not involve breaking the Covenant.
- Incidental – R"Y Bekhor Shor posits that Moshe did not actively give the nation of the ashes to drink. He had simply sprinkled the Calf's remains in the water to dispose of them, but since this was the nation's water source while in Sinai they ended up drinking it.
- Intentional lesson – The other commentators who assume that some of the nation actively worshiped the Calf, assert that this action was aimed at them. Ramban and Ralbag maintain that Moshe wanted to demonstrate the calf's futility, that a god which can be drunk is not worthy of worship.56
- According to R"Y Bekhor Shor, Aharon never even intended to infuse the calf with any magical abilities and throughout was simply trying to placate the people by providing a powerless leader whom they would abandon as soon as Moshe arrived. As such he does not sin at all. This makes his appointment as priest understandable but Hashem's anger at him appear unwarranted.57
- The others portray Aharon as trying to procrastinate58 both so that the people would recognize that a man-made object cannot be a deity and in the hopes that Moshe would come before anyone acted. Despite his intentions, however, the people did stray, making Aharon himself also culpable.59
- Zealous for Moshe's honor – According to R"Y Bekhor Shor Hashem's actions were aimed at avenging Moshe's honor, not His own.60
- Angry at idolaters – The other sources assert that Hashem was angry at the minority who strayed after the calf and viewed it as a god.
Combination
As the nation was not a homogeneous group, it is possible that while some people viewed the calf as an alternative god, others believed that it was simply a tangible representation of Hashem and yet others looked to it to guide them in their travels.