The Message of Yeshayahu 20/2

The Message of Yeshayahu 20

Exegetical Approaches

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Overview

Commentators debate whether Yeshayahu's symbolic disrobing was directed at Kush and Egypt or the Nation of Israel itself. R"E of Beaugency assumes that the prophecy, like the surrounding prophecies to the nations, tells of a foreign power's downfall by Assyria. Modern scholars, in contrast, assume that Yeshayahu's words were aimed primarily at Israel.  Reading Yeshayahu's words in light of Ancient Near Eastern sources, they conclude that Yeshayahu was warning the people not to join in the rebellion against Assyria proposed by Ashdod, as Egypt and Kush, upon whom they relied, would not prove capable allies.

Downfall of Egypt and Kush

The prophecy is aimed at Egypt and Kush and foretells their downfall at the hand of Assyria.

Sources:R. Eliezer of BeaugencyYeshayahu 20About R. Eliezer of Beaugency

Context – Yeshayahu 13-23 constitute a unit of prophecies aimed at foreign powers. Most of these predict doom, and appear to refer to Assyria's defeat of these countries.¹  As such, the location of this prophecy in the midst of this section supports the idea that it, too, focuses on the fate of neighboring nations and not Yehuda.

Heading of the chapter – According to R"E of Beaugency, the chapter's heading is not intrinsically connected to the content of the prophecy.  It serves merely to date when the prophecy was given.  As the invasion of Ashdod was a known event, it served as a convenient time marker.²

Sackcloth – R"E of Beaugency assumes that Yeshayahu had been wearing sackcloth as a sign of mourning³ for the exile of the Ten Tribes.  Its removal was not intrinsically significant, but merely necessary in order to fulfill the command to walk unclothed.

Derobing: symbolic act or vision – Though R"E of Beaugency maintains that Yeshayahu actively fulfilled Hashem's command to walk naked and barefoot, he suggests that he did not walk around totally unclothed,⁴ but with meager garb.  This would aptly symbolize the tattered rags worn by captives,⁵ which the people of Egypt and Kush were soon to be.

Three years – R"E of Beaugency assumes that the words "three years" qualifies the second half of the verse. Yeshayahu was not meant to walk unclothed for a full three years; rather, Kush and Egypt were to fall to Assyria in three years time.  [Alternatively, one could have said that they were to suffer at their hands for a period of three years.]

"וְחַתּוּ וָבֹשׁוּ מִכּוּשׁ מַבָּטָם וּמִן מִצְרַיִם תִּפְאַרְתָּם" – According to R"E of Beaugency, the people who will be ashamed and dismayed are the Egyptians and Kushites themselves.  They had always looked to (מַבָּטָם) and prided themselves (תִּפְאַרְתָּם) upon the strength of their fortifications, which now proved worthless.

"יֹשֵׁב הָאִי הַזֶּה" – R"E of Beaugency apparently understands an "אִי' to refer to any land which borders on a body of water (be it a river or sea).⁶ Thus, he suggests that this phrase, too, refers to those living between the rivers of Egypt and Kush.  They bemoan the fact that that they had viewed their countries as a refuge, hoping they would provide safety from Assyria, when in the end they proved incapable of standing up to the enemy.⁷

Who saw Yeshayahu perform his symbolic act? R"E of Beaugency is not explicit regarding where Yeshayahu disrobed – in Yerushalayim or in Egypt and Kush.

• In Kush and Egypt – Since R"E of Beaugency explains that "יֹשֵׁב הָאִי הַזֶּה" are the Kushites and Egyptians themselves, it is possible that he assumes that Yeshayahu had actually traveled there to perform the symbolic act (and could thus say: the inhabitants of this land).⁸ If so, the prophecy might not have even been heard by the Judeans, and was meant only for the ears of the foreigners. This would assume that foreign nations respected and took the words of Israelite prophets seriously.  It is not clear , though, why it would be important for them to know of their future fate, as there is no call for repentance in order to avert the catastrophe.⁹
• In Yehuda – Alternatively, Yeshayahu performed the symbolic act in Yehuda alone, and only relayed the content and message of the analogy orally to the foreign nations.  If so, presumably the prophecy held some import for Yehuda as well. It is possible that it, together with all the other predictions of calamity in this unit, was meant to highlight the vast destruction to be wrought by Assyria as a contrast to the salvation which was to be brought to Yehuda.

Warning not to Trust Foreign Powers

The prophecy is aimed at Yehuda and serves to warn them against relying on the might of foreign powers such as Egypt and Kush.

Sources:AbarbanelYeshayahu 20 IntroductionAbout R. Yitzchak Abarbanel, ShadalYeshayahu 20About R. Shemuel David Luzzatto, Prof. Yehuda Elitzur ¹⁰ and other rmodern scholars¹¹

Context – This approach might assume that the primary message of most of the prophecies to the foreign nations was not aimed at the named countries but Israel itself. Thus, despite the fact that the prophecy is aimed at Yehuda, its location among the "prophecies to the nations" is not surprising.  It, like them, speaks of some calamity to befall a neighboring power, but ultimately, the deeper message is meant for Yehuda and not them.

The heading – According to this approach, the chapter's heading is crucial for understanding the historical backdrop of the prophecy.  From Sargon's various annals and inscriptions,¹² we know that between 713-711 BCE, Ashdod, relying on the backing of her neighbors, attempted to rebel against Assyria multiple times.  A first attempt, by a king named Aziru, was quelled by the Assyrians who attacked and replaced him with a loyal vassal. Soon after, however, the people of Ashdod ousted the vassal king, choosing a new leader, Yamani. He too, hoped to rebel, and sent requests of aid to his neighbors, Yehuda and Egypt included.¹³ His attempts resulted in a new Assyrian campaign to the area and the conquest of Ashdod.¹⁴

Sackcloth – Prof. Elitzur suggests that the prophet was wearing sackcloth not as a sign of mourning, but of submission and pleading.¹⁵  He assumes that it is likely that Chizkiyahu was among the supporters of Aziru's rebellion and, that when Assyria came on a punitive campaign to the region, the people feared that they, too, might be punished. Yeshayahu donned sackcloth as part of his prayers for mercy, pleading to Hashem that Yehuda be spared.¹⁶

Removing the sackcloth – When Sargon's second (תַרְתָּן) came to the area, he punished only Ashdod, allowing all in Israel to breathe a sigh of relief. Thus, (initially) the people understood the removal of sackcloth to be a sign that the threat had ended.

Walking unclothed and barefoot – The removal of sackcloth, however, quickly turned into a new sign, as it was not replaced with new, respectable clothing, but further disrobing. Yeshayahu's actions told the people that, contrary to their hopes, the danger was not over, and a new, worse threat loomed. Ashdod was thinking of new rebellions, and if Yehuda joined, it could spell disaster.

Derobing: symbolic act or vision – This position assumes that Yeshayahu's actions were performed publicly, a stark demonstration of the fate to befall Egypt and Kush.  Yeshayahu wanted to be seen and heard specifically by his Judean audience, to warn them not to trust in these allies.  There was probably no better way to accomplish this than to shock them into attention.

Three years – Prof. Elitzur posits that Yeshayahu did not walk around unclothed for three full years, but rather that over the three year period between 713-711 (between the two rebellions of Ashdod), he would periodically demonstrate.  Perhaps each time that a diplomatic mission arrived to try and convince Chizkiyahu to join a coalition of rebels, Yeshayahu stood outside, telling all that their trust in Egyptian and Kushite aid won't suffice, for they, too, would eventually be conquered by Assyria.

Did Yeshayahu relay the prophecy to the foreign nations? According to this position, Yeshayahu likely did not travel internationally to perform his symbolic act, or even to relay its message. After all, there was no real need for either Egypt or Kush themselves to hear it.

"וְחַתּוּ וָבֹשׁוּ מִכּוּשׁ מַבָּטָם וּמִן מִצְרַיִם תִּפְאַרְתָּם" – Yeshayahu is speaking to both Yehuda and the other potential supporters of Ashdod's rebellion, telling them not to rely on Kush or Egypt since they will be disappointed.

"יֹשֵׁב הָאִי הַזֶּה"

• Prof Elitzur suggests that this phrase is a play off a term used by the Assyrians when describing the coalition that Ashdod hoped to form. Sargon speaks of the Philistines turning to those "who dwell by the sea".  Thus, Yeshayahu, too, speaks of those who live on the island (i.e. by the sea), referring to all the potential rebels.
• Prof Na'aman, in contrast assumes that the term refers to Ashdod itself, which bordered the coast and whose original inhabitants might have immigrated from the Aegian Islands.¹⁷ Yeshayahu tells Ashdod that their reliance on Egypt won't help them.

Biblical parallels – Throughout Tanakh, prophets warn the people not to trust in foreign aid, but rather in Hashem.  Yeshayahu, in particular, does this throughout the book:

• See Prophecy to Achaz – Calamity or Consolation? for those who read Yeshayahu's words to Achaz in Chapter 7 as a rebuke for his not trusting in Hashem, but rather turning to Assyria for aid against Aram and Israel.
• Yeshayahu speaks out against relying on Egypt not only in our chapter, but also in Yeshayahu 30-31, promising "וּמִצְרַיִם אָדָם וְלֹא אֵל וְסוּסֵיהֶם בָּשָׂר וְלֹא רוּחַ וַי"י יַטֶּה יָדוֹ וְכָשַׁל עוֹזֵר וְנָפַל עָזֻר וְיַחְדָּו כֻּלָּם יִכְלָיוּן".
• Chizkiyahu's showing of his treasures to Merodakh Baladan of Bavel has been understood as an attempt to join an alliance against Assyria.¹⁸ Yeshayahu reacts in anger, warning Chizkiyahu, ‎"‎‎הִנֵּה יָמִים בָּאִים וְנִשָּׂא כׇּל אֲשֶׁר בְּבֵיתֶךָ וַאֲשֶׁר אָצְרוּ אֲבֹתֶיךָ עַד הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה בָּבֶלָה".

¹ See Ibn Kaspi on Yeshayahu 14:29, 15:1, 17:1 and 19:1.

² Since most of Yeshayahu' prophecies are not dated, one might question why this one is, especially if the date does not shed light on the prophecy's content.

³ Other places where sackcloth signifies mourning include Bereshit 37:34, Shemuel II 3:31, Yeshayahu 22:12 and Amos 8:10.

⁴ See Bizarre Prophetic Commands for a variety of ways to read the many directives of Hashem which appear to invite humiliation or hardship on his prophets.

⁵ See Targum YonatanYeshayahu 20:2-3About Targum Yonatan (Neviim) and Rashi Yeshayahu 20About R. Shelomo Yitzchakiwho suggest that Yeshayahu's walking around "עָרוֹם וְיָחֵף" means that he wore torn garments, and not just that he was meagerly clad..

⁶ It is somewhat difficult to support this definition from Tanakh.  Most occurrences of the word seem to refer either to lands found in the sea specifically [see Yeshayahu 11:11, 24:15, Yirmeyahu 25:22 and Esther 10:1] or to countries in general [see Yeshayahu 41:1, 49:1 and Yirmeyahu 31:9 where the word is parallel to and synonymous with the word "nation"].  R"E of Beaugency could maintain his reading of the verse by understanding the phrase "יֹשֵׁב הָאִי הַזֶּה" to mean "the inhabitants of this nation" and identifying the nation with Kush / Egypt.

⁷ R"E of Beaugency argues that the verse can not refer to Jerusalem and her reliance on Egypt / Kush as it does not border any water and the Judeans never turned to Kush for aid.

⁸ This approach might alternatively suggest that the disrobing took place only in a prophetic dream, and was simply relayed as a verbal analogy to the people of Kush and Egypt.

⁹ Perhaps the point was simply so that after the fact, they would recognize that this had been foretold by Hashem.  Alternatively, it was assumed that hearing a decree of destruction should lead to repentance, as it did for the people of Nineveh when Yonah cried "In forty days Nineveh will be overturned".

¹⁰ See his article, "בשנת בא תרתן אשדודה", in עיונים בספר ישעיהו (דברי חוג העיון בתנ"ך בבית נשיא המדינה, (Jerusalem, 1977): 23-34.

¹¹ See, for instance,  G. Galil, "היחסים בין יהודה לאשור בימי סרגון ב׳", Zion 57:2 (1992): 111-134, N. Na'aman, "מדיניותם של אחז וחזקיהו כלפי אשור בימי סרגון ובראשית ימי סנחריב", Zion 59:1 (1994): 5-30, and Shemuel Vargon, "נבואת ישעיהו על רקע המרד של אשדוד בסרגון השני ודיכויו", Beit Mikra 43:1 (1998): 1-20.

¹² See Sargon's Summary Inscription from Khorsabod, Sargon's Annals from Khorsabod, and the Nineveh Prism.

¹³ See the "Nineveh Prism"

¹⁴ From the annals, we further know that Yamani fled to Egypt, hoping to find refuge with the power upon whom he had relied for support. However, the king of the time (a Kushite who had usurped the Egyptian throne), handed him back into Assyria's hands.

¹⁵ As support, he points to other places in Tanakh where people similarly don sackcloth before (rather than after) calamity strikes, in an effort to prevent it.  Thus, in Melakhim I 20:31-32, Ben Hadad approaches Achaz in sackcloth to plead for mercy.  In Melakhim I 21:27, as part of his repentance after Eliyahu chastises him, Achav, too, puts on sackcloth.  Finally, upon hearing Haman's decree of destruction, Mordechai dons a sack, hoping to avert the disaster (Esther 4:1).

¹⁶ The other scholars (see footnote above) suggest that the event referred to is the second campaign of Assyria to the area, in 712 (after Yamani's rebellion).  Since there is no clear evidence whether or not Chizkiyahu had joined the first rebellion, yet we know with certainty that he was at least approached to join the second, it is possible that it was only then that he feared repercussions from Assyria.  In addition, according to Assyrian sources, in 712 Sargon did not leave his land, fitting the heading here, that Sargon sent his second-in-command in his stead. Despite this difference, these scholars, nonetheless, take a similar approach to the prophecy as a whole.

¹⁷ According to this reading, the verse might even refer to Yamani himself who had trusted in Egypt and Kush, fleeing there for refuge, only to find himself betrayed by them as they handed him over to the Assyrian authorities.

¹⁸ See Y. Elitzur, "ישעיהו מול חזקיהו ומראדך בלאדן", in ישראל והמקרא, (Ramat Gan, 2000): 201-209.