Yitro's Visit – Purpose and Significance/2/he

ביקורו של יתרו – מטרתו ומשמעותו

גישות פרשניות

תרגום זה עדיין לא עבר ביקורת עורך

סקירה

בשמות י"ח:א', יתרו מוצג גם בתור "כהן מדין" וגם כ"חתן משה". שני הכובעים שחובש יתרו מציגים אותו כדמות ציבורית ואישית, ומשקפים מניעים אפשריים שונים לביקורו – משפחתיים, דתיים, ופוליטיים.

איחוד משפחתי

מקורות: ר' יוסף בכור שורשמות י"ח:ב',ג',ו'אודות ר' יוסף בכור שור, אולי ספורנושמות י"ח:א'-ב'אודות ר' עובדיה ספורנו¹

"אֲנִי חֹתֶנְךָ יִתְרוֹ בָּא אֵלֶיךָ" – ר"י בכור שור מסביר שמילים אלה בפסוק ו' אינן מה שיתרו אמר כאשר הגיע, אלא הן מתייחסות להבטחה שיתרו הבטיח בעבר כאשר משה נפרד במקור מאשתו. באותו זמן, יתרו התחייב למשה שברגע שמשה יסיים את שליחותו להוציא את בני ישראל ממצרים, יתרו יביא את משפחתו של משה למקום החנייה שלהם. לכן, ברגע שיתרו שומע "כי הוציא ה' את ישראל ממצרים" הוא מגיע כדי למלא אחר התחייבותו.²

"אַחַר שִׁלּוּחֶיהָ" – ספורנו מבין שכוונת המילים האלה היא "לאחר ששלחה שליחים", כלומר, לאחר שציפורה שלחה שליחים למשה כדי לגלות היכן הוא חונה.³ לשיטה זו, ציפורה מבקשת באופן פעיל להתאחד עם משה, ויתרו עושה מאמץ לסייע לה.⁴

דגש על משפחה – ההבלטה של פרטים הקשורים למשפחה בי"ח:א'-י"ב תומכת בעמדה זו. יתרו מכונה חותן משה או בפשטות חותן שמונה פעמים בחלק זה, מה שמציע שהוא מגיע בעיקר במסגרת תפקיד זה. בנוסף לכך, הטקסט דן בהגעה של יתרו, ציפורה, ושני בניה שלוש פעמים בחמשת הפסוקים י"ח:ב'-ו'.⁵ מצד שני, התורה אינה מספרת לנו דבר על האיחוד עצמו של משה עם ציפורה ובניו, אפילו לא שבירכו האחד את השני לשלום.

חשיבות הסיפור – גישה זו משאירה את הקורא תוהה מדוע איחוד זה היה ראוי לציון מספיק כדי לחלוק אותו, בהינתן שלא שומעים עוד ממשפחתו של משה בתורה.

עיתוי – ראה כרונולוגיה לטוח הדעות על זמן ההגעה של יתרו. לשיטה זו, כנראה שיתרו הגיע כבר בשנה הראשונה, מכיוון שלא סביר שהיה רוצה לחכות עד לשנה השנייה כדי לאחד את המשפחה.

מה שומע יתרו בי"ח:א',ח' והכרתו בה' בי"ח:י"א – דעה זו יכולה להבחין בין החדשות על יציאת מצרים שיתרו שומע בי"ח:א' והמידע הנוסף שהוא מקבל ממשה בי"ח:ח'. הראשון הוא מה שגרם לביקור, מכיוון שעכשיו כשמשה מחוץ לסכנה, יתרו יכול לאחד אותו עם ציפורה ובניו. לעומת זאת, הדיווח השני, שהוא שומע ישירות ממשה, אולי נתן לו השראה להתגייר ולהקריב קרבנות (ראה ספורנו י"ח:י"ב),⁶ אך לא היה אחראי לביקור עצמו. ההבחנה הזו אולי נמצאת בשורש פירושו של הרשב"ם על י"ח:א',י' (ראה שני התיאורים), ומפותחת בצורה המלאה ביותר בידי ר' אלחנן סמט.⁷

עזיבת יתרו – לאחר שיתרו איחד את משה עם ציפורה, הוא מימש את מטרתו והיה יכול לשוב לארצו. ראה ספורנו י"ח:כ"ז שרק צאצאיו של יתרו, אך לא יתרו עצמו, ליוו את העם לארץ ישראל.

גיור

מקורות: ר' אליעזר במכילתא דרבי ישמעאליתרו עמלק א'אודות ר' אליעזראודות מכילתא דרבי ישמעאל, Bavli Zevachimזבחים קט"ז.אודות הבבלי,⁸ תרגום המיוחס ליונתןשמות י"ח:ו'-ז'אודות תרגום המיוחס ליונתן, Tanchuma Buberתנחומא בובר יתרו ה'אודות התנחומא (בובר), תנחומאיתרו ב'אודות התנחומא (בובר), שמות רבהכ"ז:ט'אודות שמות רבה, מדרש שמואלי"באודות מדרש, רמב"ןשמות י"ח:א'שמות י"ח:י"באודות ר' משה בן נחמן, מנחה בלולהשמות י"ח:ה',ט'אודות ר' אברהם מפורטו, נצי"בהעמק דבר לנצי"ב שמות י"ח:ה',ז'אודות ר' נפתלי צבי יהודה ברלין⁹

הר סיני – י"ח:ה' מספר לנו שיתרו בא ל"הר האלהים".¹⁰ המנחה בלולה מסביר שיתרו בא כדי להשתתף במעמד הר סיני. לשיטתו, יתרו הביא גם את אשתו ובניו כדי שיטלו חלק בחוויה, ואליהם מתייחסים ב"ובניו ואשתו" בפסוק ה' – ראה מי התלווה ליתרו.¹¹ הנצי"ב בעמק דבר י"ח:ה' מציע בדומה שיתרו הגיע להר סיני מכיוון ששמע ממשה שהתכונות הרוחניות המיוחדות של ההר מועילות לקבלת רוח הקודש.

עיתוי – See Chronology for the range of opinions as to when Yitro arrived. Shemot Rabbah 27:6 and Midrash Shemuel 12 link Yitro to Amalek and explain that he decided to convert when he saw that his side had been defeated in battle.¹² Ramban 18:12 (developing the position of R"E HaModai in the Mekhilta) notes an alternative possibility that Yitro converted only after the revelation at Sinai, and after he had been with the nation for some time.

מה שומע יתרו בי"ח:א',ח' והכרתו בה' בי"ח:י"א – According to this position, the two reports are connected, and Yitro's desire to convert begins already upon hearing the initial news, and only intensifies when he hears further details from Moshe. See Two Accounts.

Yitro's sacrifices – Ramban 18:12 suggests that these were to fulfill the halakhic obligation of a proselyte to bring a burnt offering upon conversion, and that the feast celebrated Yitro's conversion. However, see U. Cassuto who notes that the verse's use of the generic elohim, rather than Hashem, would be surprising if Yitro was converting to Judaism (see also Yitro's Religious Identity and Yitro's Sacrifices).

עזיבת יתרו וחזרתו – If Yitro came to convert, why would he then take leave of the Jewish people? R"E HaModai in Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 2 posits that Yitro left only temporarily to convert the rest of his family (see also Targum Pseudo-Jonathan and Rashi 18:27). He then returned in the second year, and he and his descendants remained with the Jewish people. Ramban 18:1 also adopts this position.

חשיבות הסיפור – The story of Yitro becomes a prototype for Gentiles recognizing Hashem and converting to Judaism. The chapter may also serve as background for understanding the relationship between the Jewish people and Yitro's descendants which resurfaces in subsequent books of Tanakh.

משלחת דיפלומטית

מקורות: ר' ד"צ הופמןרד"צ הופמן שמות י"ח:ז'רד"צ הופמן שמות י"ח:י"באודות ר' דוד צבי הופמן, מ"ד קאסוטוהקדמה לשמות י"ח-כ"דאודות משה דוד קאסוטו

עיתוי – Cassuto portrays Yitro as a leader of the Midianites coming to express recognition and admiration to the new people which had just emerged from slavery and joined the league of nations.¹³ Cassuto's reading may reveal influence of the events of his own time. He wrote his commentary shortly after the establishment of the modern State of Israel, and Yitro's arrival likely symbolized for him the realization of Israel's quest for recognition from surrounding nations.¹⁴

Yitro's recognition of Hashem in 18:9-11 – As leader of his foreign delegation, Yitro may be simply paying homage to his host nation's god. Cassuto 18:12 says that Yitro neither converted nor abandoned his polytheism. According to this, his visit may be a paradigm of an interfaith encounter.¹⁵

Yitro's sacrifices and the festive meal – R. D"Z Hoffmann Shemot 18:12 suggests that the sacrifice and meal are not part of a religious ritual, but rather a political ceremony which accompanied the signing of a covenant between the nations of Israel and Midyan. He thereby explains why the generic elohim is used, rather than Hashem (the name usually found with regard to sacrifices), as this was neither a religious rite, nor was Yitro converting to monotheism.¹⁶ He also notes that treaties were often sealed by a meal, as evidenced by the alliance made between Lavan and Yaakov. In an article in BASOR 175 (1964), Charles F. Fensham brings additional Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern examples of this custom – see Eating Bread Lifnei HaElohim for elaboration.

עזיבת יתרו – His diplomatic mission accomplished, Yitro could now return to his country.

Moshe and Yitro in Shemot 2 – See M. Weinfeld, "The Tribal League at Sinai," Ancient Israelite Religion, Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross (Philadelphia, 1987): 303-314, who suggests that the foundations for this covenant were laid already in Shemot 2 when Moshe found refuge in Yitro's home. He points to numerous parallels between this story and those of Yaakov and Lavan, Hadad the Edomite in Melakhim I 11:14-22 and the ancient Egyptian tale of Sinuhe. See In-laws for further discussion.

Israel and its neighbors – The Midianites, like the other tribes and nations in their region, needed to adjust to the reality of a new Israelite nation in their midst. While most of these peoples as well as some of the Midianites themselves (see Bemidbar 22-25,31) displayed hostility toward the Jewish people, Yitro may have represented a group of Midianites who opted for a peaceful approach (Cf. Devarim 2:29). For the location of Midyan and the relationship between these two stories, see Midyan.

Keinites in Shofteim and Samuel I – In his aforementioned article, Fensham also adduces evidence for the existence of a treaty between the Jewish people and Yitro's Keinite clan from the stories of Israel's battles with the Canaanites in Shofteim 4 and Amalek in Samuel I 15:6.¹⁷ In the former, he suggests that Yael the Keinite's impaling of Sisera can be readily understood in the context of the treaty between the Israelites and the Keinites. In the latter, he posits that the term "chesed" should be rendered as "covenant" (see chesed), and that Shaul is asking the Keinites to withdraw from amidst the Amalekites because of their pre-existing treaty with the Jewish nation.¹⁸

Parallel to Shelomo's treaty with Hiram – Y. Avishur¹⁹ notes that postulating a treaty between Moshe and Yitro fits well within the broader array of parallels between the Moshe-Yitro and Shelomo-Hiram stories – see Encounters with Foreign Leaders for elaboration.

חשיבות הסיפור – Cassuto views the Yitro story as a preamble for Hashem's selection of the Jewish people to be his chosen nation. The chapter may also serve as background for understanding the relationship between the Jewish people and Yitro's descendants which resurfaces in subsequent books of Tanakh.

¹ JosephusAntiquities 3:3:1About Josephus also apparently understands that Yitro came for family reasons, but see note in Introduction that it is possible that in Josephus' account, Zipporah and her sons had never left Moshe, and it was Yitro who was being reunited with his family. See Yitro's religious identity for a discussion of how and why Josephus avoids having Yitro convert or even mention Hashem. See also the Keli Yekar 18:1 who reads the family reunification understanding of Yitro's impetus into all three opinions in the Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael regarding what news Yitro heard that prompted him to come.

² R"Y Bekhor Shor also interprets 18:2-4 as speaking of Yitro's past actions when he collected Zipporah and sons from Egypt and brought them back to Midyan. By doing so, he eliminates any redundancy in 18:2-6, as according to him, only 18:5 speaks of Yitro's actions in the present. See Who Accompanied Yitro for the Zohar and Minchah Belulah's alternative. [See also Charles Thomson in his translation of the Septuagint who goes a step further in completely separating the second part of 18:1 from the beginning of the verse, and viewing it as the backdrop for the parenthetical taking of Zipporah home to Midyan.]

³ Or HaChayyim 18:2 also explains achar shiluchehah like Seforno. This understanding would vocalize Seforno's interpretation as אַחַר שֶׁשָׁלְחָה. In contrast, R. Yehuda Copperman's edition of Seforno vocalizes the words as אַחַר שֶׁשִּׁלְּחָהּ (with a chirik under the second ש, a dagesh in the ל, and a mappiq in the ה) which would mean that Yitro had previously sent Zipporah to find out where Moshe was camped. However, it is questionable whether Zipporah would have made a likely choice for a scout. See also Seforno 18:1 where he implies that Yitro would not have sent Zipporah alone.

⁴ Seforno 18:1 adds that although Yitro could have just sent Zipporah with a messenger, he wanted to come himself in order to seek out Hashem.

⁵ However, see above that R"Y Bekhor Shor's reading eliminates this redundancy, and see Who Accompanied Yitro for the Zohar and Minchah Belulah's suggestion that 18:5 speaks of Yitro's own wife and children.

⁶ As opposed to the first report, the second does not seem to have any ramifications for the family, and thus after 18:6, Zipporah and her sons recede into the background and are not heard from again.

⁷ R. Samet suggests that the approach that Yitro came for religious reasons (found in numerous Midrashim – see below) is retrojecting Yitro's religious epiphany (which occurs only in the second section of the chapter) back to the first part of the story.

⁸ This is explicit in the printed editions of the Bavli which read 'and he converted' (venitgayyer). However, most manuscripts as well as the Sheiltot #166, do not contain that word (i.e. their version of the Bavli has only the words of the Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael).

⁹ See Yitro's Religious Identity for other sources who maintain that Yitro converted, but do not necessarily say that this was his purpose in coming, and for sources who maintain that Yitro never converted.

¹⁰ The mention of Mount Sinai is particularly noteworthy since the first record of the nation arriving there is in 19:1-2. There is a dispute among the commentators as to whether either Moshe or the people were already at Mount Sinai when Yitro arrived there – see Chronology.

¹¹ This assumes that Yitro knew in advance of the impending revelation at Mount Sinai, either having heard of Hashem's words in Shemot 3:12 from Moshe himself before Moshe left Midyan (as implied by Ramban 18:1) or having more recently learned of the plans from a messenger (Seforno 18:1). Cf. the Pesikta and others (see Chronology) that Yitro was not permitted to participate in the experience, and R"E Hamodai in Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1 that Yitro arrived only after the Decalogue.

¹² R. Yehoshua in Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1 already suggests that Yitro came after hearing of the battle with Amalek. However, he does not state either that Yitro supported Amalek or that he converted. It is only later Midrashim which amplify Yitro's connection to Amalek – see Yitro and Amalek.

¹³ Cassuto himself claims, like Ibn Ezra, that Yitro came only in the second year – see Chronology. However, R. D"Z Hoffmann maintains that Yitro arrived shortly after the Exodus.

¹⁴ In his preface to the Yitro story, Cassuto also mentions "the trials and tribulations the Jewish people encountered on their journey caused by both nature and the animosity (of neighboring nations)." The allusion to modern Israel is unmistakeable. [The second volume of Cassuto's commentary on Bereshit (published while he was writing his commentary on Shemot) is dedicated to the memory of his son Natan who perished in the Shoah and his daughter-in-law Channah who was murdered shortly before the founding of the State of Israel in the Arab massacre of the Mount Scopus convoy.]

¹⁵ Alternatively, this approach could suggest that Yitro's initially came for purposes of diplomacy, but that Moshe's account caused a theological transformation.

¹⁶ According to him, this can also explain the absence of Moshe from the meal, as Moshe was already related to Yitro, and it was Aharon and the elders who were representing the Jewish people in this treaty.

¹⁷ See also B. Mazar, "The Sanctuary of Arad and the Family of Hobab the Kenite," JNES 24 (1965): 297-303.

¹⁸ According to this reading, Shaul's words "for you have done chesed with the Children of Israel" explain not (only) why Shaul does not want to harm the Keinites, but why the Keinites have a responsibility to remain neutral in the ensuing battle.

¹⁹ In Studies in Biblical Narrative (Tel Aviv, 1999): 159-172.