Difference between revisions of "Pinechas Impales Zimri and Kozbi in Art/0/he"

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<div class="overview">
 
<div class="overview">
 
<h2>הקדמה</h2>
 
<h2>הקדמה</h2>
<p>The two engravings shown here, one by Johann Christoph Weigel<fn>Weigel (1654–1725) was a German engraver and art dealer.  This woodcut is from the <i>Biblia ectypa. Bildnußen auß Heiliger Schrifft deß Alt- und Neuen Testaments</i>, (Augspurg, Selbstverl:1695): 32. It is apparently modeled after an earlier work by Jan Sadelar (1550–1600), or after Sadelar's own source, Crispijn van den Broecke (c.1524–c.1591). </fn> and one by Jan Luyken<fn>Luyken (1649–1712) was a Dutch illustrator, engraver and poet. This woodcut and was one of many illustrations made for Pieter Mortier's edition of <i>Alle de werken van Flavius Josephus</i>.</fn> both depict Pinechas' killing of Zimri and Kozbi as discussed in <a href="Bemidbar25" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25</a>. At first glance, the two images look fairly similar, with both portraying the offenders being impaled in a tent in the midst of their illicit act. Many of the details, though, differ and a comparison of the images raises important questions regarding both the nature of Zimri's sin and the extent of the nation's punishment.</p></div>
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<p>The two engravings shown here, one by Johann Christoph Weigel<fn>Weigel (1654–1725) was a German engraver and art dealer.  This woodcut is from the <i>Biblia ectypa. Bildnußen auß Heiliger Schrifft deß Alt- und Neuen Testaments</i>, (Augspurg, Selbstverl:1695): 32. It is apparently modeled after an earlier work by Jan Sadelar (1550–1600), or after Sadelar's own source, Crispijn van den Broecke (c.1524–c.1591). </fn> and one by Jan Luyken<fn>Luyken (1649–1712) was a Dutch illustrator, engraver and poet. This woodcut and was one of many illustrations made for Pieter Mortier's edition of <i>Alle de werken van Flavius Josephus</i>.</fn> both depict Pinechas' killing of Zimri and Kozbi as discussed in <a href="Bemidbar25" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה</a>. At first glance, the two images look fairly similar, with both portraying the offenders being impaled in a tent in the midst of their illicit act. Many of the details, though, differ and a comparison of the images raises important questions regarding both the nature of Zimri's sin and the extent of the nation's punishment.</p></div>
 
<category>השוואת התמונות
 
<category>השוואת התמונות
 
<subcategory>Weigel
 
<subcategory>Weigel
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<p>בחירותיהם של האמנים מעידות על ערפול מסויים בטקסט המקראי, ומהוות דרכים שונות לפרש את הפסוקים:</p>
 
<p>בחירותיהם של האמנים מעידות על ערפול מסויים בטקסט המקראי, ומהוות דרכים שונות לפרש את הפסוקים:</p>
 
<subcategory>חטא זמרי
 
<subcategory>חטא זמרי
<p>In Weigel's image, Zimri and Kozbi cohabit near fellow Moabite-Israelite couples and not far from the site where others are worshipping Baal Peor. In Luyken's engraving , in contrast, the temple of Baal Peor and its worshippers are far off in the distance. The different depictions relate to a question which emerges from the Biblical text: How did Zimri's sin relate to that of the nation? Was his coupling also connected to the worship of Baal Peor,<fn>See <multilink><a href="PhiloLV" data-aht="source">Philo</a><a href="PhiloLV" data-aht="source">On the Life of Moshe I:LV</a><a href="Philo" data-aht="parshan">About Philo</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="Josephus4-6" data-aht="source">Josephus</a><a href="Josephus4-6" data-aht="source">Antiquities 4:6:9-12</a><a href="Josephus" data-aht="parshan">About Josephus</a></multilink>, and <multilink><a href="HoilBemidbar25" data-aht="source">Hoil Moshe</a><a href="HoilBemidbar25" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:4</a><a href="R. Moshe Yitzchak Ashkenazi (Hoil Moshe)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Moshe Yitzchak Ashkenazi</a></multilink> who say so explicitly.</fn> or was he merely engaging in relations with a Midianite but not as part of a pagan ritual?<fn>This might be the position adopted by the <multilink><a href="YerushalmiSanhedrin9-7" data-aht="source">Yerushalmi Sanhedrin</a><a href="YerushalmiSanhedrin9-7" data-aht="source">Sanhedrin 9:7</a><a href="Yerushalmi" data-aht="parshan">About the Yerushalmi</a></multilink> which makes no mention of idolatry.</fn> See <a href="Pinechas – Action and Reward" data-aht="page">Pinechas Action and Reward</a> for elaboration.</p>
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<p>In Weigel's image, Zimri and Kozbi cohabit near fellow Moabite-Israelite couples and not far from the site where others are worshipping Baal Peor. In Luyken's engraving , in contrast, the temple of Baal Peor and its worshippers are far off in the distance. The different depictions relate to a question which emerges from the Biblical text: How did Zimri's sin relate to that of the nation? Was his coupling also connected to the worship of Baal Peor,<fn>ראו <multilink><a href="PhiloLV" data-aht="source">פילון</a><a href="PhiloLV" data-aht="source">על חיי משה א':נ"ה</a><a href="Philo" data-aht="parshan">אודות פילון</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="Josephus4-6" data-aht="source">יוספוס</a><a href="Josephus4-6" data-aht="source">קדמוניות היהודים ד':ו':ט'-י"ב</a><a href="Josephus" data-aht="parshan">אודות יוספוס</a></multilink>, ו<multilink><a href="HoilBemidbar25" data-aht="source">הואיל משה</a><a href="HoilBemidbar25" data-aht="source">כ"ה:ד'</a><a href="R. Moshe Yitzchak Ashkenazi (Hoil Moshe)" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' משה יצחק אשכנזי</a></multilink> האומרים כך במפורש.</fn> or was he merely engaging in relations with a Midianite but not as part of a pagan ritual?<fn>אפשר שזאת עמדת <multilink><a href="YerushalmiSanhedrin9-7" data-aht="source">ירושלמי סנהדרין</a><a href="YerushalmiSanhedrin9-7" data-aht="source">סנהדרין ט':ז'</a><a href="Yerushalmi" data-aht="parshan">About the Yerushalmi</a></multilink> שאינו מזכיר עבודה זרה.</fn> See <a href="Pinechas – Action and Reward" data-aht="page">פינחס מעשהו ושכרו</a> for elaboration.</p>
 
</subcategory>
 
</subcategory>
 
<subcategory>"וְהוֹקַע אוֹתָם"
 
<subcategory>"וְהוֹקַע אוֹתָם"
<p>The starkest contrast between the two images relates to the artists' portrayals of the nation at large. While Weigel depicts them as dancing and socializing with the Moabites, Luyken has them fallen dead or hanging from wooden stokes.<fn>Luyken apparently understands the term "וְהוֹקַע" to refer to hanging. Though the word obviously relates to some sort of capital punishment, not all agree as to the exact definition. See <multilink><a href="PsJBemidbar25-4" data-aht="source">Targum Yerushalmi (Yonatan)</a><a href="PsJBemidbar25-4" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:4</a><a href="Targum Yerushalmi (Yonatan)" data-aht="parshan">About Targum Yerushalmi (Yonatan)</a></multilink> who also translates the word to mean hanging, drawing on the fact that the verse says that it was done "before the sun", or in full sight. Cf. <multilink><a href="AbarbanelBemidbar25-1" data-aht="source">Abarbanel</a><a href="AbarbanelBemidbar25-1" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:1</a><a href="R. Yitzchak Abarbanel" data-aht="parshan">About R. Yitzchak Abarbanel</a></multilink> who asserts that it refers to stabbing by sword, suggesting that this is the reason that Pinechas chose to kill via stabbing as well.</fn> This relates to an important question about this episode: When Pinechas killed Zimri, had the other Israelites already been punished via a Divine plague or at the hands of human judges?</p>
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<p>The starkest contrast between the two images relates to the artists' portrayals of the nation at large. While Weigel depicts them as dancing and socializing with the Moabites, Luyken has them fallen dead or hanging from wooden stokes.<fn>Luyken apparently understands the term "וְהוֹקַע" to refer to hanging. Though the word obviously relates to some sort of capital punishment, not all agree as to the exact definition. ראו <multilink><a href="PsJBemidbar25-4" data-aht="source">תרגום ירושלמי (יונתן)</a><a href="PsJBemidbar25-4" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ד'</a><a href="Targum Yerushalmi (Yonatan)" data-aht="parshan">אודות תרגום ירושלמי (יונתן)</a></multilink> שגם מתרגם את המלה mean hanging, drawing on the fact that the verse says that it was done "before the sun", or in full sight. השוו <multilink><a href="AbarbanelBemidbar25-1" data-aht="source">אברבנאל</a><a href="AbarbanelBemidbar25-1" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:א'</a><a href="R. Yitzchak Abarbanel" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' יצחק אברבנאל</a></multilink> who asserts that it refers to stabbing by sword, suggesting that this is the reason that Pinechas chose to kill via stabbing as well.</fn> This relates to an important question about this episode: When Pinechas killed Zimri, had the other Israelites already been punished via a Divine plague or at the hands of human judges?</p>
<p>The verses themselves are ambiguous. Although the text relays Moshe's command to kill the coupling worshippers, it never states whether the command was fulfilled. Similarly, while the text records the end of the plague, it never mentions when it began. These questions are important for properly understanding Pinechas' action – was he the only one brave enough to kill the sinners,<fn>See, for example, <multilink><a href="RambanBemidbar25-5" data-aht="source">Ramban</a><a href="RambanBemidbar25-5" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:5</a><a href="R. Moshe b. Nachman (Ramban, Nachmanides)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Moshe Nachmanides</a></multilink> who portrays the leaders being paralyzed into inaction due to Zimri's deed or <multilink><a href="ChizkuniBemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">Chizkuni</a><a href="ChizkuniBemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:6</a><a href="R. Chizkiyah b. Manoach (Chizkuni)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Chizkiyah b. Manoach</a></multilink> who suggests that even beforehand they had hesitated to kill their relatives.</fn> or was he one of many who heeded the call to punish the evildoers?<fn>See <multilink><a href="AbarbanelBemidbar25-1" data-aht="source">Abarbanel</a><a href="AbarbanelBemidbar25-1" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:1</a><a href="R. Yitzchak Abarbanel" data-aht="parshan"></a></multilink> who suggests that all the leaders did obey Moshe's command.</fn> If the latter, what distinguished his act and enabled it to bring about an end to the plague and a personal reward?</p>
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<p>The verses themselves are ambiguous. Although the text relays Moshe's command to kill the coupling worshippers, it never states whether the command was fulfilled. Similarly, while the text records the end of the plague, it never mentions when it began. These questions are important for properly understanding Pinechas' action – was he the only one brave enough to kill the sinners,<fn>ראו, לדוגמא, <multilink><a href="RambanBemidbar25-5" data-aht="source">רמב"ן</a><a href="RambanBemidbar25-5" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ה'</a><a href="R. Moshe b. Nachman (Ramban, Nachmanides)" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' משה בן נחמן</a></multilink> who portrays the leaders being paralyzed into inaction due to Zimri's deed או <multilink><a href="ChizkuniBemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">חזקוני</a><a href="ChizkuniBemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ו'</a><a href="R. Chizkiyah b. Manoach (Chizkuni)" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' חזקיה בן מנוח</a></multilink> who suggests that even beforehand they had hesitated to kill their relatives.</fn> or was he one of many who heeded the call to punish the evildoers?<fn>ראו <multilink><a href="AbarbanelBemidbar25-1" data-aht="source">אברבנאל</a><a href="AbarbanelBemidbar25-1" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:א'</a><a href="R. Yitzchak Abarbanel" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' יצחק אברבנאל</a></multilink> המציע שהשופטים אכן צייתו להוראתו של משה.</fn> If the latter, what distinguished his act and enabled it to bring about an end to the plague and a personal reward?</p>
 
</subcategory>
 
</subcategory>
 
<subcategory>"הַקֻּבָּה" – אוהל או מקדש?
 
<subcategory>"הַקֻּבָּה" – אוהל או מקדש?
<p>Luyken portrays Zimri's tent amidst a row of other tents, whereas Weigel depicts it nearby to the idolatrous temple. The difference relates to the nature of the tent in which Zimri and Kozbi coupled. Was Zimri simply taking Kozbi into his private dwelling within the Israelite camp, or was this tent a more public place that did not belong to him personally, but was somehow related to the worship of Baal Peor?</p><p><a href="Bemidbar25" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:8</a>&#160;states that Pinechas followed Zimri into "הַקֻּבָּה". While <multilink><a href="RashiBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">Rashi</a><a href="RashiBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:8</a><a href="R. Shelomo Yitzchaki (Rashi)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shelomo Yitzchaki</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RashbamBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">Rashbam</a><a href="RashbamBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:8</a><a href="R. Shemuel b. Meir (Rashbam)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shemuel b. Meir</a></multilink>, and many others maintain that the word simply means tent<fn>See also R. Hirsch who asserts that the German word  alkoven (or the English alcove) might be etymologically related.</fn> and refers to Zimri's personal dwelling, others suggest that it refers specifically to a brothel.<fn>See <multilink><a href="RYBSbemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">R. Yosef Bekhor Shor</a><a href="RYBSbemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:6</a><a href="R. Yosef Bekhor Shor" data-aht="parshan">About R. Yosef Bekhor Shor</a></multilink> and cf. <multilink><a href="IbnEzraBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">Ibn Ezra</a><a href="IbnEzraBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:8</a><a href="R. Avraham ibn Ezra" data-aht="parshan">About R. Avraham ibn Ezra</a></multilink> who suggests that Zimri's brethren from the tribe of Shimon were in the tent as well.</fn> More modern scholars<fn>See S. C. Reif, "What Enraged Phinehas: A Study of Numbers 25:8", JBL 90:2 (1971): 200-206.</fn> have suggested that it refers to a movable shrine. These different opinions have ramifications for understanding whether Zimri's sin was one of idolatry or illicit sexual activity, as discussed above.</p>
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<p>Luyken portrays Zimri's tent amidst a row of other tents, whereas Weigel depicts it nearby to the idolatrous temple. The difference relates to the nature of the tent in which Zimri and Kozbi coupled. Was Zimri simply taking Kozbi into his private dwelling within the Israelite camp, or was this tent a more public place that did not belong to him personally, but was somehow related to the worship of Baal Peor?</p>
 +
<p><a href="Bemidbar25" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ח'</a>&#160;states that Pinechas followed Zimri into "הַקֻּבָּה". בעוד ש<multilink><a href="RashiBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">רש"י</a><a href="RashiBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ח'</a><a href="R. Shelomo Yitzchaki (Rashi)" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' שלמה יצחקי</a></multilink>, <multilink><a href="RashbamBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">רשב"ם</a><a href="RashbamBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ח'</a><a href="R. Shemuel b. Meir (Rashbam)" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' שמואל בן מאיר</a></multilink>, and many others maintain that the word simply means tent<fn>See also R. Hirsch who asserts that the German word  alkoven (or the English alcove) might be etymologically related.</fn> and refers to Zimri's personal dwelling, others suggest that it refers specifically to a brothel.<fn>ראו <multilink><a href="RYBSbemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">ר' יוסף בכור שור</a><a href="RYBSbemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ו'</a><a href="R. Yosef Bekhor Shor" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' יוסף בכור שור</a></multilink> והשוו <multilink><a href="IbnEzraBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">אבן עזרא</a><a href="IbnEzraBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ח'</a><a href="R. Avraham ibn Ezra" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' אברהם אבן עזרא</a></multilink> המציעים שאחי זמרי משבט שמעון גם נכחו באוהל.</fn> More modern scholars<fn>ראו S. C. Reif, "What Enraged Phinehas: A Study of Numbers 25:8", JBL 90:2 (1971): 200-206.</fn> have suggested that it refers to a movable shrine. These different opinions have ramifications for understanding whether Zimri's sin was one of idolatry or illicit sexual activity, as discussed above.</p>
 
</subcategory>
 
</subcategory>
 
<subcategory>אהלו של מי?
 
<subcategory>אהלו של מי?
<p>While Luyken suggests that the tent in which Zimri and Kozbi cohabited was in the Israelite camp (close to the dead Israelite bodies), Weigel's image suggests that it was closer to the Moabite-Midiante dwellings. Most readers of the text might naturally agree with Luyken, since <a href="Bemidbar25" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:6</a> states that Zimri brought Kozbi to those gathered around the Tent of Meeting. <multilink><a href="ShadalBemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">Shadal</a><a href="ShadalBemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:6</a><a href="R. Shemuel David Luzzatto (Shadal)" data-aht="parshan">About R. S.D. Luzzatto</a></multilink>, though, suggests that Zimri then returned to Kozbi's tent and that was where Pinechas found them.</p>
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<p>While Luyken suggests that the tent in which Zimri and Kozbi cohabited was in the Israelite camp (close to the dead Israelite bodies), Weigel's image suggests that it was closer to the Moabite-Midiante dwellings. Most readers of the text might naturally agree with Luyken, since <a href="Bemidbar25" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ו'</a> states that Zimri brought Kozbi to those gathered around the Tent of Meeting. <multilink><a href="ShadalBemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">שד"ל</a><a href="ShadalBemidbar25-6" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ו'</a><a href="R. Shemuel David Luzzatto (Shadal)" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' שמואל דוד לוצאטו</a></multilink>, though, suggests that Zimri then returned to Kozbi's tent and that was where Pinechas found them.</p>
<p>The disagreement relates, in part, to the meaning of the ambiguous phrase, "וַיִּדְקֹר אֶת שְׁנֵיהֶם... אֶל קֳבָתָהּ". Shadal explains it to mean "her קֻבָּה", or her tent,<fn>See above regarding the term "קֻבָּה".</fn> while others say it refers to a body part, related to the word "קֵבָה"&#8206;.<fn>See, for instance, <multilink><a href="RashiBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">Rashi</a><a href="RashiBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">Bemidbar 25:8</a><a href="R. Shelomo Yitzchaki (Rashi)" data-aht="parshan">About R. Shelomo Yitzchaki</a></multilink> who gives this definition.</fn> The difference also relates to an evaluation of Pinechas' deed – was it an impetuous act, performed on the spot in a moment of zeal, or a much more calculated action which required considerable planning and bravery?<fn>Shadal asserts that one of the things that earned Pinechas praise was this willingness to endanger himself by going to kill Kozbi, a Midianite princess, within the enemy camp amidst all of her supporters.</fn></p>
+
<p>The disagreement relates, in part, to the meaning of the ambiguous phrase, "וַיִּדְקֹר אֶת שְׁנֵיהֶם... אֶל קֳבָתָהּ". Shadal explains it to mean "her קֻבָּה", or her tent,<fn>ראו לעיל לגבי המונח "קֻבָּה".</fn> while others say it refers to a body part, related to the word "קֵבָה"&#8206;.<fn>ראו, לדוגמא, <multilink><a href="RashiBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">רש"י</a><a href="RashiBemidbar25-8" data-aht="source">במדבר כ"ה:ח'</a><a href="R. Shelomo Yitzchaki (Rashi)" data-aht="parshan">אודות ר' שלמה יצחקי</a></multilink> המפרש כן.</fn> The difference also relates to an evaluation of Pinechas' deed – was it an impetuous act, performed on the spot in a moment of zeal, or a much more calculated action which required considerable planning and bravery?<fn>Shadal asserts that one of the things that earned Pinechas praise was this willingness to endanger himself by going to kill Kozbi, a Midianite princess, within the enemy camp amidst all of her supporters.</fn></p>
 
</subcategory>
 
</subcategory>
 
</category>
 
</category>

Version as of 03:39, 25 July 2019

פינחס הורג את זמרי וכזבי באמנות

הקדמה

The two engravings shown here, one by Johann Christoph Weigel1 and one by Jan Luyken2 both depict Pinechas' killing of Zimri and Kozbi as discussed in במדבר כ"ה. At first glance, the two images look fairly similar, with both portraying the offenders being impaled in a tent in the midst of their illicit act. Many of the details, though, differ and a comparison of the images raises important questions regarding both the nature of Zimri's sin and the extent of the nation's punishment.

השוואת התמונות

Weigel

Weigel's engraving is divided on a diagonal into two scenes. In the right foreground, Pinechas is portrayed stabbing Zimri and Kozbi at the entrance to their open tent. On the left, a group of Israelites dance with tambourines around a large idol, while others sit on the floor, socializing with the Moabite women who hold smaller figurines. In the distance there is another, more opulent tent, perhaps the temple of Baal Peor.

Luyken

Luyken's woodcut also portrays Pinechas killing the couple in their tent with a long spear. The setting of the scene, though, is very different. In the background, the Israelites are not merrily mingling with the Moabites, but lie dead on the floor, or hanging from stokes in the ground. Several other tents are pitched behind that of Zimri, and at the top left, a more permanent edifice, likely the idolatrous temple, stands on a cliff.

יחס לטקסט המקראי

בחירותיהם של האמנים מעידות על ערפול מסויים בטקסט המקראי, ומהוות דרכים שונות לפרש את הפסוקים:

חטא זמרי

In Weigel's image, Zimri and Kozbi cohabit near fellow Moabite-Israelite couples and not far from the site where others are worshipping Baal Peor. In Luyken's engraving , in contrast, the temple of Baal Peor and its worshippers are far off in the distance. The different depictions relate to a question which emerges from the Biblical text: How did Zimri's sin relate to that of the nation? Was his coupling also connected to the worship of Baal Peor,3 or was he merely engaging in relations with a Midianite but not as part of a pagan ritual?4 See פינחס – מעשהו ושכרו for elaboration.

"וְהוֹקַע אוֹתָם"

The starkest contrast between the two images relates to the artists' portrayals of the nation at large. While Weigel depicts them as dancing and socializing with the Moabites, Luyken has them fallen dead or hanging from wooden stokes.5 This relates to an important question about this episode: When Pinechas killed Zimri, had the other Israelites already been punished via a Divine plague or at the hands of human judges?

The verses themselves are ambiguous. Although the text relays Moshe's command to kill the coupling worshippers, it never states whether the command was fulfilled. Similarly, while the text records the end of the plague, it never mentions when it began. These questions are important for properly understanding Pinechas' action – was he the only one brave enough to kill the sinners,6 or was he one of many who heeded the call to punish the evildoers?7 If the latter, what distinguished his act and enabled it to bring about an end to the plague and a personal reward?

"הַקֻּבָּה" – אוהל או מקדש?

Luyken portrays Zimri's tent amidst a row of other tents, whereas Weigel depicts it nearby to the idolatrous temple. The difference relates to the nature of the tent in which Zimri and Kozbi coupled. Was Zimri simply taking Kozbi into his private dwelling within the Israelite camp, or was this tent a more public place that did not belong to him personally, but was somehow related to the worship of Baal Peor?

במדבר כ"ה:ח' states that Pinechas followed Zimri into "הַקֻּבָּה". בעוד שרש"יבמדבר כ"ה:ח'אודות ר' שלמה יצחקי, רשב"םבמדבר כ"ה:ח'אודות ר' שמואל בן מאיר, and many others maintain that the word simply means tent8 and refers to Zimri's personal dwelling, others suggest that it refers specifically to a brothel.9 More modern scholars10 have suggested that it refers to a movable shrine. These different opinions have ramifications for understanding whether Zimri's sin was one of idolatry or illicit sexual activity, as discussed above.

אהלו של מי?

While Luyken suggests that the tent in which Zimri and Kozbi cohabited was in the Israelite camp (close to the dead Israelite bodies), Weigel's image suggests that it was closer to the Moabite-Midiante dwellings. Most readers of the text might naturally agree with Luyken, since במדבר כ"ה:ו' states that Zimri brought Kozbi to those gathered around the Tent of Meeting. שד"לבמדבר כ"ה:ו'אודות ר' שמואל דוד לוצאטו, though, suggests that Zimri then returned to Kozbi's tent and that was where Pinechas found them.

The disagreement relates, in part, to the meaning of the ambiguous phrase, "וַיִּדְקֹר אֶת שְׁנֵיהֶם... אֶל קֳבָתָהּ". Shadal explains it to mean "her קֻבָּה", or her tent,11 while others say it refers to a body part, related to the word "קֵבָה"‎.12 The difference also relates to an evaluation of Pinechas' deed – was it an impetuous act, performed on the spot in a moment of zeal, or a much more calculated action which required considerable planning and bravery?13