Difference between revisions of "Purpose of the Pesach/2"
(Original Author: Neima Novetsky, Rabbi Hillel Novetsky) |
(Original Author: Neima Novetsky, Rabbi Hillel Novetsky) |
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<div class="overview"> | <div class="overview"> | ||
<h2>Overview</h2> | <h2>Overview</h2> | ||
− | <p>Commentators disagree as to whether the Pesach was required for the physical salvation of the Israelites or was designed primarily to strengthen their spiritual relationship with Hashem. Jubilees and others adopt a literal reading of the verses and explain that the blood was aimed at the destroying angel who, | + | <p>Commentators disagree as to whether the Pesach was required for the physical salvation of the Israelites or was designed primarily to strengthen their spiritual relationship with Hashem. Jubilees and others adopt a literal reading of the verses and explain that the blood was aimed at the destroying angel who, if not for this sign, would not have been able to discern between Egyptians and Israelites.</p> |
<p>Most Rabbinic sources, though, prefer to avoid attributing limitations to Hashem or His messengers, and thus view the Pesach as having inherent educational or religious value for either the Israelites or Egyptians. Thus, some Tannaim in the Mekhilta propose that the Pesach was commanded so that the Israelites could begin to perform Hashem's commandments and merit redemption. Others focus on the Pesach as a slaughtering of the Egyptians' gods, which was intended either to wean the Israelites away from idolatry, or to prove the impotence of their gods to the Egyptians themselves. These contrasting positions also have important ramifications for understanding whether the original Pesach was a full-fledged sacrifice, the nature of the "מַשְׁחִית", and the meaning of the name "פֶּסַח".</p> | <p>Most Rabbinic sources, though, prefer to avoid attributing limitations to Hashem or His messengers, and thus view the Pesach as having inherent educational or religious value for either the Israelites or Egyptians. Thus, some Tannaim in the Mekhilta propose that the Pesach was commanded so that the Israelites could begin to perform Hashem's commandments and merit redemption. Others focus on the Pesach as a slaughtering of the Egyptians' gods, which was intended either to wean the Israelites away from idolatry, or to prove the impotence of their gods to the Egyptians themselves. These contrasting positions also have important ramifications for understanding whether the original Pesach was a full-fledged sacrifice, the nature of the "מַשְׁחִית", and the meaning of the name "פֶּסַח".</p> | ||
</div> | </div> | ||
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<multilink><aht source="RYBSShemot12-7">R. Yosef Bekhor Shor</aht><aht source="RYBSShemot12-7">Shemot 12:7</aht><aht source="RYBSShemot12-13">Shemot 12:13</aht><aht source="RYBSShemot12-14">Shemot 12:14</aht><aht source="RYBSShemot12-22">Shemot 12:22</aht><aht source="MoshavZekeinimShemot12-12">Cited in Moshav Zekeinim Shemot 12:12</aht><aht parshan="R. Yosef Bekhor Shor" /></multilink>, | <multilink><aht source="RYBSShemot12-7">R. Yosef Bekhor Shor</aht><aht source="RYBSShemot12-7">Shemot 12:7</aht><aht source="RYBSShemot12-13">Shemot 12:13</aht><aht source="RYBSShemot12-14">Shemot 12:14</aht><aht source="RYBSShemot12-22">Shemot 12:22</aht><aht source="MoshavZekeinimShemot12-12">Cited in Moshav Zekeinim Shemot 12:12</aht><aht parshan="R. Yosef Bekhor Shor" /></multilink>, | ||
<multilink><aht source="IbnDaud">R. Avraham Ibn Daud</aht><aht source="IbnDaud">Sefer HaEmunah HaRamah, Maamar 3</aht></multilink>, | <multilink><aht source="IbnDaud">R. Avraham Ibn Daud</aht><aht source="IbnDaud">Sefer HaEmunah HaRamah, Maamar 3</aht></multilink>, | ||
− | <multilink><aht source="SefornoShemot12-12">Seforno</aht><aht source="SefornoShemot12-12">Shemot 12:12-13</aht><aht source="SefornoShemot12-22">Shemot 12:22-27</aht><aht parshan="R. Ovadyah Seforno" /></multilink> | + | <multilink><aht source="SefornoShemot12-12">Seforno</aht><aht source="SefornoShemot12-12">Shemot 12:12-13</aht><aht source="SefornoShemot12-22">Shemot 12:22-27</aht><aht parshan="R. Ovadyah Seforno" /></multilink>, |
+ | <multilink><aht source="MaaseiHashem17">Ma'asei Hashem</aht><aht source="MaaseiHashem17">Ma'asei Mizrayim 17</aht><aht parshan="R. Eliezer Ashkenazi" /></multilink> | ||
</mekorot> | </mekorot> | ||
<point><b>Focal point of the commandment</b> – This position views the smearing of the blood and its concomitant protection as the raison d'être for the entire process of the Pesach.<fn>It is unclear whether this position views the Pesach as having the character of a sacrifice – see below.</fn></point> | <point><b>Focal point of the commandment</b> – This position views the smearing of the blood and its concomitant protection as the raison d'être for the entire process of the Pesach.<fn>It is unclear whether this position views the Pesach as having the character of a sacrifice – see below.</fn></point> | ||
<point><b>Nature of the "מַשְׁחִית"</b> – All commentators who take this approach agree that the "destroyer" was a separate entity (distinct from Hashem)<fn>In 12:23 Moshe appears to tell the Israelites that Hashem will not permit ("וְלֹא יִתֵּן") the "destroyer" to enter their homes. From this it would appear that the "מַשְׁחִית" is distinct from Hashem.</fn> who, sans the sign of the blood, would have been incapable of distinguishing between the Israelites and Egyptians. However, these exegetes disagree regarding the exact identity and nature of the "מַשְׁחִית": | <point><b>Nature of the "מַשְׁחִית"</b> – All commentators who take this approach agree that the "destroyer" was a separate entity (distinct from Hashem)<fn>In 12:23 Moshe appears to tell the Israelites that Hashem will not permit ("וְלֹא יִתֵּן") the "destroyer" to enter their homes. From this it would appear that the "מַשְׁחִית" is distinct from Hashem.</fn> who, sans the sign of the blood, would have been incapable of distinguishing between the Israelites and Egyptians. However, these exegetes disagree regarding the exact identity and nature of the "מַשְׁחִית": | ||
<ul> | <ul> | ||
− | <li><b>Angel</b><fn>The identification of the "מַשְׁחִית" as an angel is supported by the term "מַלְאָךְ הַמַּשְׁחִית" which appears in Shemuel II 24:16. See also Bereshit 19:13-14 and Yechezkel 9:6-8 which similarly refer to death or destruction (using the root of שחת) wrought by an angel. The parallel from Yechezkel is particularly significant as there, too, a sign is made to distinguish those deserving to be saved.</fn> – According to Jubilees, Ibn Ezra, and R"Y Bekhor Shor, the "מַשְׁחִית" was a Divine messenger who received instructions from Hashem to destroy the Egyptians and spare the Israelites.<fn>Jubilees understands the "מַשְׁחִית" to be an entire host of angels, "חילות משטמה" ("the legions of Mastema"). | + | <li><b>Angel</b><fn>The identification of the "מַשְׁחִית" as an angel is supported by the term "מַלְאָךְ הַמַּשְׁחִית" which appears in Shemuel II 24:16. See also Bereshit 19:13-14 and Yechezkel 9:6-8 which similarly refer to death or destruction (using the root of שחת) wrought by an angel. The parallel from Yechezkel is particularly significant as there, too, a sign is made to distinguish those deserving to be saved.</fn> – According to Jubilees, Ibn Ezra, and R"Y Bekhor Shor, the "מַשְׁחִית" was a Divine messenger who received instructions from Hashem to destroy the Egyptians and spare the Israelites.<fn>Jubilees understands the "מַשְׁחִית" to be an entire host of angels, "חילות משטמה" ("the legions of Mastema"), possibly based on the plural "מִשְׁלַחַת מַלְאֲכֵי רָעִים" in Tehillim 78:49. Jubilees specifies that Mastema's forces were given their marching orders from Hashem and acted in accordance with His wishes. However, see <aht parshan="Jubilees">Jubilees</aht> for other cases in which Jubilees portrays a dichotomy between the forces of good and evil and presents Mastema as acting independently of Hashem's desires.</fn></li> |
<li><b>Celestial force</b> – Ibn Daud, in contrast, asserts that the phrase refers to the powers of a heavenly sphere<fn>He specifically identifies it with the planet Mars, associated in medieval astrology with war and bloodshed, and with the Zodiac sign of Aries (a ram) and the month of Nisan. See Astrology for discussion of the beliefs of Ibn Daud and others regarding the scientific legitimacy of this discipline.</fn> which were unleashed against the Egyptians. According to him, this force functioned in accordance with fixed natural laws.</li> | <li><b>Celestial force</b> – Ibn Daud, in contrast, asserts that the phrase refers to the powers of a heavenly sphere<fn>He specifically identifies it with the planet Mars, associated in medieval astrology with war and bloodshed, and with the Zodiac sign of Aries (a ram) and the month of Nisan. See Astrology for discussion of the beliefs of Ibn Daud and others regarding the scientific legitimacy of this discipline.</fn> which were unleashed against the Egyptians. According to him, this force functioned in accordance with fixed natural laws.</li> | ||
− | <li><b>Plague</b> – Seforno understands the "מַשְׁחִית" to be a general epidemic which wreaked havoc upon the general population of Egypt. This plague coincided with, but was distinct from, the Plague of the Firstborn.<fn>While the other commentators identify the "מַשְׁחִית" as the agent which executed the Plague of the Firstborn, Seforno views it as a separate punishment which incorporated the "עֶבְרָה וָזַעַם וְצָרָה מִשְׁלַחַת מַלְאֲכֵי רָעִים" in Tehillim 78:49 which Hashem set upon Egypt. It is noteworthy, however, that this verse appears prior to the Psalmist's description of the Plague of Darkness; cf. Ibn Ezra and Radak (Tehillim 78:49) who interpret this verse to be speaking of the earlier plagues which preceded the final Plague of the Firstborn.</fn></li> | + | <li><b>Plague</b> – Seforno understands the "מַשְׁחִית" to be a general epidemic which wreaked havoc upon the general population of Egypt. This plague coincided with, but was distinct from, the Plague of the Firstborn.<fn>Cf. Ma'asei Hashem. While the other commentators identify the "מַשְׁחִית" as the agent which executed the Plague of the Firstborn, Seforno views it as a separate punishment which incorporated the "עֶבְרָה וָזַעַם וְצָרָה מִשְׁלַחַת מַלְאֲכֵי רָעִים" in Tehillim 78:49 which Hashem set upon Egypt. It is noteworthy, however, that this verse appears prior to the Psalmist's description of the Plague of Darkness; cf. Ibn Ezra and Radak (Tehillim 78:49) who interpret this verse to be speaking of the earlier plagues which preceded the final Plague of the Firstborn.</fn></li> |
</ul> | </ul> | ||
</point> | </point> | ||
<point><b>The roles of Hashem and the "מַשְׁחִית" during the Plague of the Firstborn</b> | <point><b>The roles of Hashem and the "מַשְׁחִית" during the Plague of the Firstborn</b> | ||
<ul> | <ul> | ||
− | <li><b>The "מַשְׁחִית", rather than Hashem, did both the killing ("נֶגֶף לְמַשְׁחִית") and sparing ("וּפָסַח")</b> – Jubilees | + | <li><b>The "מַשְׁחִית", rather than Hashem, did both the killing ("נֶגֶף לְמַשְׁחִית") and sparing ("וּפָסַח")</b> – According to Jubilees,<fn>This is also the position which Ibn Ezra cites in the name of R. Saadia.</fn> Hashem merely gave the original instructions but did not accompany the "מַשְׁחִית" for the implementation, and all of the verbs which speak of Hashem's actions ("וְעָבַרְתִּי"‎, "וְהִכֵּיתִי"‎, "וְרָאִיתִי"‎, "וּפָסַחְתִּי"‎, "בְּהַכֹּתִי"‎, "‏וְעָבַר ה'‏",‎ "וְרָאָה"‎, "וּפָסַח"‎, "וְלֹא יִתֵּן") really refer to the actions of the "מַשְׁחִית" (functioning as Hashem's agent)‎.<fn>They are nonetheless attributed to Hashem either because the "מַשְׁחִית" was merely a Divine messenger ("שלוחו של השולח כשולח" like Chizkuni's formulation below), or because Hashem is the ultimate cause of all that happens in the world. For other examples, see <aht page="The Messengers – Angels or Men">Angels or Men</aht> and <aht page="Hardened Hearts">Hardened Hearts</aht>.</fn> Jubilees does not feel obligated by the later homily of "‏אני ולא מלאך...‏" found in the <multilink><aht source="MekhiltaPischa7">Mekhilta</aht><aht source="MekhiltaPischa7">Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Bo Pischa 7 s.v. "וראיתי"</aht><aht parshan="Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael">About the Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael</aht></multilink>.</li> |
− | <li><b>Hashem protected the Israelites while the "מַשְׁחִית" slew the Egyptians</b> – Shemot Rabbah | + | <li><b>Hashem protected the Israelites while the "מַשְׁחִית" slew the Egyptians</b> – Shemot Rabbah presents Hashem as physically preventing the destroying angel from entering the Israelite homes.<fn>Cf. Divrei HaYamim 21:15 for a parallel instance of Hashem stopping a "מַשְׁחִית" from killing.</fn> This reading accounts for both "וְרָאִיתִי אֶת הַדָּם וּפָסַחְתִּי עֲלֵכֶם" and "וְלֹא יִהְיֶה בָכֶם נֶגֶף לְמַשְׁחִית", but it does not explain why Hashem did not simply order the angel not to enter the blood-marked houses.</li> |
− | <li><b>Hashem performed both the saving and the killing, and the "מַשְׁחִית" merely accompanied Him</b> | + | <li><b>Hashem performed both the saving and the killing, and the "מַשְׁחִית" merely accompanied Him</b><fn>This is also the position found in the note (הגה"ה) appended to R"Y Bekhor Shor's interpretation of 12:7, however, its provenance is unclear. A somewhat different opinion is cited in the name of R"Y Bekhor Shor by the Moshav Zekeinim. According to both, though, Hashem plays a significant role in the slaying of the Egyptian firstborn, as per the homily in the Mekhilta.</fn> – Seforno and the Ma'asei Hashem completely separate between the roles of Hashem and the "מַשְׁחִית", asserting that Hashem alone killed the firstborns ("וְהִכֵּיתִי כָל בְּכוֹר"), while a more general plague ("נֶגֶף לְמַשְׁחִית") was simultaneously brought upon the rest of the Egyptian nation. This position is undoubtedly influenced by the Mekhilta's homily which attributes the final plague to Hashem alone, and it has the added advantage of explaining why every home, even ones in which there was no firstborn, required the smearing of blood.</li> |
</ul> | </ul> | ||
</point> | </point> | ||
<point><b>Function of the blood and analogous cases</b> | <point><b>Function of the blood and analogous cases</b> | ||
<ul> | <ul> | ||
− | <li><b>Identification sign</b> – Perhaps the simplest understanding is that the "מַשְׁחִית" was simply incapable of distinguishing on its own between Egyptian and Israelite,<fn>This is the position of Jubilees which asserts that Hashem delegated the execution of the Plague of the Firstborn to the "מַשְׁחִית", and that the description of Hashem "seeing the blood" really refers to the "מַשְׁחִית" (see elaboration above). While this may not be the literal rendering of the verses, it has the advantage of obviating the quandary of why Hashem would need to see the blood.<p>However, this understanding does not work for Shemot Rabbah and R"Y Bekhor Shor, as they maintain, like the literal interpretation of 12:13,23, that it was Hashem who saw the blood and protected the Israelites, and He clearly did not need the blood to distinguish between nationalities. Thus, Shemot Rabbah offers a parallel to animals which are marked before they are slaughtered. Yet, it is difficult to understand what Hashem's purpose would be in doing something similar. Additionally, the analogy is reversed, as in Egypt, the blood was placed specifically on the houses of those who were not to be harmed.</p></fn> and thus the blood was needed to serve this function. Ibn Ezra<fn>See also Radak Yechezkel 9:4.</fn> and Seforno<fn>See above that although Seforno maintains that the Plague of the Firstborn was brought by Hashem Himself, he claims that the "מַשְׁחִית" was independently responsible for a separate epidemic. According to Seforno, it was for this accompanying plague that the sign of the blood was necessary, as it was brought by the "מַשְׁחִית" alone.</fn> note the parallel between our story and <aht source="Yechezkel9">Yechezkel 9</aht>,<fn>Compare also to the function of the scarlet cord in Yehoshua 2, and | + | <li><b>Identification sign</b> – Perhaps the simplest understanding is that the "מַשְׁחִית" was simply incapable of distinguishing on its own between Egyptian and Israelite,<fn>This is the position of Jubilees which asserts that Hashem delegated the execution of the Plague of the Firstborn to the "מַשְׁחִית", and that the description of Hashem "seeing the blood" really refers to the "מַשְׁחִית" (see elaboration above). While this may not be the literal rendering of the verses, it has the advantage of obviating the quandary of why Hashem would need to see the blood.<p>However, this understanding does not work for Shemot Rabbah and R"Y Bekhor Shor, as they maintain, like the literal interpretation of 12:13,23, that it was Hashem who saw the blood and protected the Israelites, and He clearly did not need the blood to distinguish between nationalities. Thus, Shemot Rabbah offers a parallel to animals which are marked before they are slaughtered. Yet, it is difficult to understand what Hashem's purpose would be in doing something similar. Additionally, the analogy is reversed, as in Egypt, the blood was placed specifically on the houses of those who were not to be harmed.</p></fn> and thus the blood was needed to serve this function. Ibn Ezra<fn>See also Radak Yechezkel 9:4.</fn> and Seforno<fn>See above that although Seforno maintains that the Plague of the Firstborn was brought by Hashem Himself, he claims that the "מַשְׁחִית" was independently responsible for a separate epidemic. According to Seforno, it was for this accompanying plague that the sign of the blood was necessary, as it was brought by the "מַשְׁחִית" alone.</fn> note the parallel between our story and <aht source="Yechezkel9">Yechezkel 9</aht>,<fn>Compare also to the function of the "אוֹת" given to Kayin in Bereshit 4:15 and the "אוֹת" of the scarlet cord in Yehoshua 2, and see Akeidat Yitzchak below who explicitly rejects this comparison.</fn> where there is a similar marking of innocents in order to protect them from a "מַשְׁחִית".‎<fn>There, those to be spared are marked on their foreheads, and the destroying messengers are told not to approach them. Cf. the Samaritan custom today to place blood from their Pesach sacrifice on their foreheads.</fn></li> |
− | <li><b>Repellent</b> – Ibn Daud,<fn>Ibn Ezra also alludes to this notion in his commentary on Shemot 4.</fn> in contrast, asserts that the blood (and slaughtered sheep) had some | + | <li><b>Repellent</b> – Ibn Daud,<fn>Ibn Ezra also alludes to this notion in his commentary on Shemot 4.</fn> in contrast, asserts that the blood (and slaughtered sheep) had some inherent powers to ward off the harm of the "מַשְׁחִית", deterring him from entering the Israelite homes.<fn>If "סַף" in Shemot 12:22 is understood like R. Yishmael in the <multilink><aht source="MekhiltaPischa11">Mekhilta</aht><aht source="MekhiltaPischa11">Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Bo Pischa 11</aht><aht parshan="Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael">About the Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael</aht></multilink> to mean "threshold", then the doorway was sealed off on all four sides with blood, preventing demonic entrance. Cf. Lekach Tov Shemot 12:7: "נמצינו למדין שארבעה מזבחות היו לאבותינו במצרים, המשקוף ושתי המזוזות והסף, כדברי ר' ישמעאל".</fn> Both Ibn Ezra and Ibn Daud<fn>They were preceded by the Lekach Tov Shemot 4:25. For elaboration, see <aht page="Murder Mystery at the Malon">Murder Mystery at the Malon</aht>.</fn> compare our episode to the story of Moshe in the lodging place in Shemot 4. There, too, a bloody rite (circumcision) was used to ward off evil and potential death.<fn>One might view the King of Edom's sacrifice of his son (Melakhim II 3:26-27) as a similar protective rite, aimed at guarding his nation from further harm in battle. Ibn Daud also points to the priests of the Ba'al cutting themselves in Kings II 18:28, "עַד שְׁפָךְ דָּם עֲלֵיהֶם" as a preventative measure to ward off Eliyahu's killing of them. In context, though, it seems that their actions were meant to summon the Ba'al rather than to deter bloodshed.</fn></li> |
+ | <li><b>Calming effect</b> – In contrast, <multilink><aht source="KaspiShemot4-25">R. Yosef ibn Kaspi</aht><aht source="KaspiBereshit9-15">Bereshit 9:15</aht><aht source="KaspiShemot4-25">Shemot 4:25</aht><aht source="KaspiShemot12-13">Shemot 12:13</aht><aht parshan="R. Yosef ibn Kaspi" /></multilink> contends that the blood had no effect whatsoever on Hashem or the "מַשְׁחִית"‎,<fn>It appears that Ibn Kaspi understands "וְרָאִיתִי אֶת הַדָּם וּפָסַחְתִּי עֲלֵכֶם" as merely a figure of speech ("דברה תורה בלשון בני אדם"), as he brings it to support his parallel interpretation of "וּרְאִיתִיהָ לִזְכֹּר בְּרִית עוֹלָם" in Bereshit 9:16.</fn> but was intended merely to allay the fears of the Israelite masses.<fn>According to Ibn Kaspi, the phrase "וְהָיָה הַדָּם לָכֶם לְאֹת" proves that the blood was needed for the Israelites themselves.</fn> He explains that, in that era, people believed that blood was a panacea for fears and tension.<fn>Like Ibn Ezra above, also Ibn Kaspi sees a linkage to the story in Shemot 4, and he explains that Zipporah let blood from her son because she was terrified over Moshe's illness. See the extended discussion of his position in <aht page="Murder Mystery at the Malon">Murder Mystery at the Malon</aht>.</fn> Thus, Hashem commanded the Israelites to apply blood to their doors, so that they would not panic upon hearing the screams of the Egyptians over the deaths of their firstborns. Ibn Kaspi notes that, sometimes, Hashem will take into consideration the people's concerns even though they are unfounded.<fn>He cites the example of Hashem preventing Bilam from cursing the Israelites. In that case, even though the curse itself would have been ineffective, Hashem did not want it to instill terror in the hearts of the nation. See also <aht page="Half Shekels – For Census or Tabernacle">Half Shekels – For Census or Tabernacle?</aht> for Shadal's interpretation of the words "וְלֹא יִהְיֶה בָהֶם נֶגֶף" there which are almost identical to our formulation in Shemot 12:13.</fn></li> | ||
+ | <li><b>Demarcation of sanctified territory</b> – The slaughtering of the Pesach and the smearing of its blood transformed the Israelite homes into quasi-altars.<fn>See below for the formulation of R. Yosef in Bavli Pesachim 96a and the development of <multilink><aht source="PhiloSpecialLawsII">Philo</aht><aht source="PhiloSpecialLawsII">On the Special Laws II:XXVII:145-149</aht><aht source="PhiloQ4">Questions and Answers on Exodus #4</aht><aht source="PhiloQ7">Questions and Answers on Exodus #7</aht><aht source="PhiloQ10">Questions and Answers on Exodus #10</aht><aht source="PhiloQ12">Questions and Answers on Exodus #12</aht><aht parshan="Philo" /></multilink> and <multilink><aht source="RDZHoffmannShemot12-12">R. D"Z Hoffmann</aht><aht source="RDZHoffmannShemot12-12">Shemot 12:12-13</aht><aht parshan="R. D"Z Hoffmann" /></multilink>.</fn> This holiness and the ensuing Divine presence caused the homes to have extra-territorial status and be off-limits to the "מַשְׁחִית".‎<fn>This is the position taken by the Ma'asei Hashem. See also R. Amnon Bazak, <a href="http://www.etzion.org.il/dk/1to899/540daf.htm">"ייחודו של קרבן פסח במסגרת עולם הקרבנות"</a>, Daf Kesher 540 of Yeshivat Har Etzion (Parashat Vayikra, 5756) who suggests that the homes afforded immunity like the altar (cf. Melakhim I 1:50-53, 2:28-34). He adds that this status can also account for the prohibitions of leaven in the Israelite homes (as it is forbidden upon the altar, as per Vayikra 2:11-12) and of taking any of the sacrificial meat outside of the sanctified boundaries of the homes.</fn></li> | ||
</ul> | </ul> | ||
</point> | </point> | ||
<point><b>Meaning of the verb פסח</b> | <point><b>Meaning of the verb פסח</b> | ||
<ul> | <ul> | ||
− | <li><b>Have mercy / protect</b><fn>See Yeshayahu 31:5 cited by Ibn Ezra. This is also the opinion of R. Yishmael below.</fn> – Shemot Rabbah and one opinion in Ibn Ezra. According to them, Hashem is the subject of the verb.<fn>Ibn Ezra proposes that the sacrifice is so called due to the Divine protection that it offered.</fn></li> | + | <li><b>Have mercy / protect</b><fn>See Yeshayahu 31:5 cited by Ibn Ezra. This is also the position of the LXX Exodus 12:13,27 and the opinion of R. Yishmael in the Mekhilta cited below.</fn> – Shemot Rabbah and one opinion in Ibn Ezra. According to them, Hashem is the subject of the verb.<fn>Ibn Ezra proposes that the sacrifice is so called due to the Divine protection that it offered.</fn></li> |
− | <li><b>Pass over</b><fn>See Shemuel II 9:13 and Kings I 18:21 cited by Ibn Ezra. Following R. Yoshiyah in the Mekhilta, R"Y Bekhor Shor suggests that it is related to the root פסע, with the pharyngeals ח and ע being exchanged.</fn> – Jubilees, Ibn Ezra in the name of R. Saadia, R"Y Bekhor Shor, and Seforno. They attribute the action to the "מַשְׁחִית".‎<fn>See above that, although the subject of the verb is Hashem, they interpret it to refer to Hashem's agent.</fn></li> | + | <li><b>Pass over</b><fn>See Shemuel II 9:13 and Kings I 18:21 cited by Ibn Ezra, and see LXX Exodus 12:23. Following R. Yoshiyah in the Mekhilta, R"Y Bekhor Shor suggests that it is related to the root פסע, with the pharyngeals ח and ע being exchanged.</fn> – Jubilees, Ibn Ezra in the name of R. Saadia, R"Y Bekhor Shor, and Seforno. They attribute the action to the "מַשְׁחִית".‎<fn>See above that, although the subject of the verb is Hashem, they interpret it to refer to Hashem's agent.</fn></li> |
</ul> | </ul> | ||
</point> | </point> | ||
− | <point><b>Inner or outer doorpost?</b> – R"Y Bekhor Shor states that the blood was smeared on the outside of the door so that the "מַשְׁחִית" would see it, and Ibn Daud writes that the blood was smeared on the gates. Ibn Ezra, however, stresses that it was not put on the gates of the courtyards,<fn>He maintains that it was intentionally not put on the entrances to the gates of the courtyards, so as not to provoke the Egyptians. He suggests, too, that the darkness of twilight served to further obscure the sign. See below, in contrast, how others suggest that the choice of twilight allowed more exposure to the sign since Egyptians were returning home at that time.</fn> but rather on the openings of the home.</point> | + | <point><b>Inner or outer doorpost?</b> – R"Y Bekhor Shor states that the blood was smeared on the outside of the door so that the "מַשְׁחִית" would see it, and Ibn Daud writes that the blood was smeared on the gates. Ibn Ezra, however, stresses that it was not put on the gates of the courtyards,<fn>He maintains that it was intentionally not put on the entrances to the gates of the courtyards, so as not to provoke the Egyptians. He suggests, too, that the darkness of twilight served to further obscure the sign (cf. Seforno). See below, in contrast, how others suggest that the choice of twilight allowed more exposure to the sign since Egyptians were returning home at that time.</fn> but rather on the openings of the home.</point> |
<point><b>"לֹא תֵצְאוּ אִישׁ מִפֶּתַח בֵּיתוֹ"</b> – According to R"Y Bekhor Shor, Ibn Daud, and Seforno, the command not to leave the house was essential for the people's survival; only those that were behind the protection of the blood smeared doorposts would be saved.</point> | <point><b>"לֹא תֵצְאוּ אִישׁ מִפֶּתַח בֵּיתוֹ"</b> – According to R"Y Bekhor Shor, Ibn Daud, and Seforno, the command not to leave the house was essential for the people's survival; only those that were behind the protection of the blood smeared doorposts would be saved.</point> | ||
<point><b>Details of the commandment</b> – Some of these commands may also be related to the purpose of protection: | <point><b>Details of the commandment</b> – Some of these commands may also be related to the purpose of protection: | ||
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<li><b>No broken bones</b> – Jubilees suggests that the command to roast the Pesach whole and not to break any of its bones was symbolic of the nation emerging whole and unscathed from the Plague of the Firstborn.</li> | <li><b>No broken bones</b> – Jubilees suggests that the command to roast the Pesach whole and not to break any of its bones was symbolic of the nation emerging whole and unscathed from the Plague of the Firstborn.</li> | ||
<li><b>Haste</b> – Ibn Ezra understands the commands relating to haste, not as a way of insuring the nation would be ready to leave at a moment's notice, but as a directive to finish eating by the time the destroying angel arrived, lest they not be granted protection.</li> | <li><b>Haste</b> – Ibn Ezra understands the commands relating to haste, not as a way of insuring the nation would be ready to leave at a moment's notice, but as a directive to finish eating by the time the destroying angel arrived, lest they not be granted protection.</li> | ||
+ | <li><b>Timing</b> – Seforno explains that, unlike all other sacrifices, the Pesach was offered close to sundown, so as to be in as close proximity as possible to when the "מַשְׁחִית" would be killing the Egyptian firstborn.<fn>Seforno suggests that the Pesach really should have been sacrificed at night; however, sacrifices are permitted to be brought only during the day. He also explains that the son's question in Shemot 12:26 relates to the unique timing of the Pesach.</fn></li> | ||
</ul> | </ul> | ||
</point> | </point> | ||
<point><b>"לֵיל שִׁמֻּרִים"</b> – Ibn Ezra explains that this refers to Hashem's protection of the Israelites from the "מַשְׁחִית".‎<fn>See Ramban who rejects this option from the continuation of the verse "לְהוֹצִיאָם מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם".</fn></point> | <point><b>"לֵיל שִׁמֻּרִים"</b> – Ibn Ezra explains that this refers to Hashem's protection of the Israelites from the "מַשְׁחִית".‎<fn>See Ramban who rejects this option from the continuation of the verse "לְהוֹצִיאָם מֵאֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם".</fn></point> | ||
− | <point><b>פסח דורות</b> – Jubilees posits that the annual celebration of Pesach, like the original ceremony, was also instituted for the purpose of protection,<fn>Though Jubilees holds that in the annual celebration there was no longer a smearing of blood on the doorposts, it makes a point of saying that the blood would be placed on the altar, thereby connecting the past and future observances. The Samaritans, to this day, place blood from their Paschal sacrifice on their foreheads.</fn> so that no plague should visit the nation throughout the year.<fn>Cf. A. Shemesh, "פסח זה על שום מה", AJS Review 21:2 (1996): 1-17, who attempts to show how several Tannaitic passages suggest that R. Eliezer, too, saw in the annual Pesach an apotropaic ritual.</fn> In contrast, R"Y Bekhor Shor states that while the original Pesach was needed for protection, the annual ritual was only for the purposes of commemoration "לְזִכָּרוֹן".<fn>Even according to this position, Shemot 12:27 emphasizes that the annual rite commemorates the salvation of the Israelites during the Plague of the Firstborn.</fn></point> | + | <point><b>פסח דורות</b> – Jubilees posits that the annual celebration of Pesach, like the original ceremony, was also instituted for the purpose of protection,<fn>Though Jubilees holds that in the annual celebration there was no longer a smearing of blood on the doorposts, it makes a point of saying that the blood would be placed on the altar, thereby connecting the past and future observances. In contrast, Ibn Ezra in his Long Commentary to Shemot 12:24 cites people who maintained that the application of the blood was performed in all generations. The Samaritans, to this day, place blood from their Paschal sacrifice on their foreheads.</fn> so that no plague should visit the nation throughout the year.<fn>Cf. A. Shemesh, "פסח זה על שום מה", AJS Review 21:2 (1996): 1-17, who attempts to show how several Tannaitic passages suggest that R. Eliezer, too, saw in the annual Pesach an apotropaic ritual.</fn> In contrast, R"Y Bekhor Shor states that while the original Pesach was needed for protection, the annual ritual was only for the purposes of commemoration "לְזִכָּרוֹן"‎.<fn>Even according to this position, Shemot 12:27 emphasizes that the annual rite commemorates the salvation of the Israelites during the Plague of the Firstborn.</fn></point> |
<point><b>Israelites' religious identity</b> – This approach does not take a particular position on the nation's religious observance or beliefs.</point> | <point><b>Israelites' religious identity</b> – This approach does not take a particular position on the nation's religious observance or beliefs.</point> | ||
+ | <point><b>Purpose of sacrifices in general</b> – Ibn Ezra maintains that sacrifices in general comes as a replacement for the person ("כופר נפש")‎.<fn>See Ibn Ezra Vayikra 1:1,4 (and Ramban Vayikra 1:9), and see Purpose of Sacrifices.</fn></point> | ||
</category> | </category> | ||
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<point><b>Character of the sacrifice</b> | <point><b>Character of the sacrifice</b> | ||
<ul> | <ul> | ||
− | <li><b>Sin offering</b> – The Tzeror HaMor suggests that the sacrifice came to atone.<fn>Cf. Bemidbar Rabbah below. See also <multilink><aht source="AbarbanelBereshit15">Abarbanel</aht><aht source="AbarbanelBereshit15">Bereshit 15</aht><aht parshan="Abarbanel">About R. Yitzchak Abarbanel</aht></multilink> who suggests that the Paschal sacrifice atoned for the sin of the sale of Yosef. For more on Abarbanel's position regarding the ramifications of selling Yosef, see <aht page="Purposes of the Egyptian Bondage">Purposes of the Egyptian Bondage</aht>.</fn> He then enumerates many of the elements common to the Pesach and general sacrifices, including the slaughtering of an unblemished animal, smearing/sprinkling of the blood, and the prohibition and burning of leftovers. He also explains that the absence of the altar was due to the impurity of the land of Egypt.<fn>Thus, the house stood in for the altar. Cf. <multilink><aht source="PsJShemot19-4">Targum Pseudo-Jonathan</aht><aht source="PsJShemot19-4">Shemot 19:4</aht><aht parshan="Targum Pseudo-Jonathan" /></multilink> which addresses the absence of the altar by asserting that Hashem flew the Children of Israel ("עַל כַּנְפֵי נְשָׁרִים") to the site of the Beit HaMikdash so that they could sacrifice the Pesach.</fn> While in a standard sin offering only the priest partakes from and not the sinner himself, it is possible that since the priests had not yet been chosen in Egypt, the entire nation functioned as priests,<fn>Cf. Philo and R. D"Z Hoffmann below.</fn> and were thus permitted to partake from their own sacrifices.<fn>If one assumes that the firstborns functioned as the priests until the Tabernacle was built, one might claim that their sacrificing of the Pesach was what saved them from the Plague of the Firstborn.</fn></li> | + | <li><b>Sin offering</b> – The Tzeror HaMor suggests that the sacrifice came to atone.<fn>Cf. Bemidbar Rabbah below. See also <multilink><aht source="AbarbanelBereshit15">Abarbanel</aht><aht source="AbarbanelBereshit15">Bereshit 15</aht><aht parshan="Abarbanel">About R. Yitzchak Abarbanel</aht></multilink> who suggests that the Paschal sacrifice atoned for the sin of the sale of Yosef. For more on Abarbanel's position regarding the ramifications of selling Yosef, see <aht page="Purposes of the Egyptian Bondage">Purposes of the Egyptian Bondage</aht>.</fn> He then enumerates many of the elements common to the Pesach and general sacrifices, including the slaughtering of an unblemished animal, smearing/sprinkling of the blood, and the prohibition and burning of leftovers.<fn>A prohibition of leaven also accompanies most sacrifices.</fn> He also explains that the absence of the altar was due to the impurity of the land of Egypt.<fn>Thus, the house stood in for the altar. Cf. <multilink><aht source="PsJShemot19-4">Targum Pseudo-Jonathan</aht><aht source="PsJShemot19-4">Shemot 19:4</aht><aht parshan="Targum Pseudo-Jonathan" /></multilink> which addresses the absence of the altar by asserting that Hashem flew the Children of Israel ("עַל כַּנְפֵי נְשָׁרִים") to the site of the Beit HaMikdash so that they could sacrifice the Pesach (and see Mekhilta Bachodesh 2: "ואביא אתכם אלי – לבית הבחירה").</fn> While in a standard sin offering only the priest partakes from and not the sinner himself, it is possible that since the priests had not yet been chosen in Egypt, the entire nation functioned as priests,<fn>Cf. Philo and R. D"Z Hoffmann below. Interestingly, the phrase of "עַל רֹאשׁוֹ וְעַל כְּרָעָיו וְקִרְבּוֹ" appears only here and with regard to the high-priest's sin offering in Vayikra 4:11.</fn> and were thus permitted to partake from their own sacrifices.<fn>If one assumes that the firstborns functioned as the priests until the Tabernacle was built, one might claim that their sacrificing of the Pesach was what saved them from the Plague of the Firstborn.</fn></li> |
− | <li><b>Petitionary offering </b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann posits that the Pesach was brought, in part, as a request for Hashem's protection,<fn><multilink><a href="/5#">Zvi Karl</a><a href="/5#">Commentary on Mishnayot Pesachim, pp.xii-xiv</a></multilink>, too, views this as a request, but suggests that the nation was asking for protection from the dangers of the upcoming journey. It should be noted, though, that petitionary offerings are rare in Tanakh, with Shemuel I 7:9 being a rare exception (and in that case it was a burnt offering). There are, however, other cases of Biblical vows which were carried out after the requested salvation took place.</fn> and the sheep represented the Israelites' dependence on Hashem to be their shepherd.<fn>R. Hoffmann here is drawing off R. Hirsch who emphasizes how the nation was to see themselves in the sheep, and be ready to accept Hashem as their shepherd and to dedicate their lives to Him.</fn></li> | + | <li><b>Petitionary offering </b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann posits that the Pesach was brought, in part, as a request for Hashem's protection from the Plague of the Firstborn,<fn><multilink><a href="/5#">Zvi Karl</a><a href="/5#">Commentary on Mishnayot Pesachim, pp.xii-xiv</a></multilink>, too, views this as a request, but suggests that the nation was asking for protection from the dangers of the upcoming journey. It should be noted, though, that petitionary offerings are rare in Tanakh, with Shemuel I 7:9 being a rare exception (and in that case it was a burnt offering). There are, however, other cases of Biblical vows which were carried out after the requested salvation took place.</fn> and the sheep represented the Israelites' dependence on Hashem to be their shepherd.<fn>R. Hoffmann here is drawing off R. Hirsch who emphasizes how the nation was to see themselves in the sheep, and be ready to accept Hashem as their shepherd and to dedicate their lives to Him. He also notes that a sheep was offered both for the Pesach and for the daily offering of the קרבן תמיד.</fn></li> |
− | <li><b>Redemption of the firstborn (פדיון בכור) </b> – Cassuto suggests that the Paschal lambs served as an exchange for the lives of the Israelite firstborns, and their blood symbolized the consecration of the Israelites to God's worship.<fn>However, it is unclear according to him, why every individual was obligated to bring the Pesach | + | <li><b>Redemption of the firstborn (פדיון בכור) </b> – Cassuto suggests that the Paschal lambs served as an exchange for the lives of the Israelite firstborns,<fn>One might suggest that the Pesach was, in essence, the first fulfillment of the command of redeeming the firstborns. See Shemot 13:13 that a lamb ("שֶׂה") is also used to redeem a firstborn donkey. For literature discussing possible parallels to the Muslim <i>fidya</i> (פדיון) rite which also entails slaughter and consumption of an animal and smearing of its blood on a human or doorway, see W. Propp, The Anchor Yale Bible: Exodus 1–18 (New Haven, 1999): 434-441.</fn> and their blood symbolized the consecration of the Israelites to God's worship.<fn>However, it is unclear, according to him, why every individual was obligated to bring the Pesach rather than merely the firstborns, and why the meat was eaten instead of being burnt.</fn></li> |
</ul> | </ul> | ||
</point> | </point> | ||
− | <point><b>Function of the blood and Biblical parallels</b> – On its most basic level, the smearing of the blood was an outward display of the fulfillment of the Divine command and a replacement for the sprinkling of sacrificial blood on the altar. Thus, the blood was not needed so that Hashem (or the "מַשְׁחִית") could differentiate between Egyptian and Israelite,<fn>R. Yishmael makes this point explicitly. See also <multilink><aht source="MekhiltaAmalek1">Mekhilta Amalek 1</aht><aht source="MekhiltaAmalek1">Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Beshalach Amalek 1</aht><aht parshan="Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael" /></multilink> which makes a similar point, linking our case to two others (mentioned in Mishna R"H 3:8) of Moshe raising his arms in the battle against Amalek and the copper snake ("נְחַשׁ הַנְּחֹשֶׁת") which Moshe made in Bemidbar 21. In all of these cases, the Mekhilta says, it was the nation's belief in Hashem which caused their salvation rather than some sort of magical action. See also below for why, according to this approach, the blood was to be applied specifically by the door.</fn> but rather functioned as evidence that the Israelites had indeed obeyed Hashem's command.<fn>R. D"Z Hoffmann adds that the blood also served as a sign for both the Children of Israel and the outside world that the Israelites' salvation was due to their worship of God.</fn> Additionally, for some of these commentators, it had a symbolic meaning: | + | <point><b>Function of the blood and Biblical parallels</b> – On its most basic level, the smearing of the blood was an outward display of the fulfillment of the Divine command and a replacement for the sprinkling of sacrificial blood on the altar.<fn>According to R. D"Z Hoffmann, the house functioned as an altar. Cf. R. Yosef in Bavli Pesachim 96a: "ג' מזבחות היו שם – על המשקוף ועל שתי המזוזות".</fn> Thus, the blood was not needed so that Hashem (or the "מַשְׁחִית") could differentiate between Egyptian and Israelite,<fn>R. Yishmael makes this point explicitly. See also <multilink><aht source="MekhiltaAmalek1">Mekhilta Amalek 1</aht><aht source="MekhiltaAmalek1">Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Beshalach Amalek 1</aht><aht parshan="Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael" /></multilink> which makes a similar point, linking our case to two others (mentioned in Mishna R"H 3:8) of Moshe raising his arms in the battle against Amalek and the copper snake ("נְחַשׁ הַנְּחֹשֶׁת") which Moshe made in Bemidbar 21. In all of these cases, the Mekhilta says, it was the nation's belief in Hashem which caused their salvation rather than some sort of magical action. See also below for why, according to this approach, the blood was to be applied specifically by the door.</fn> but rather functioned as evidence that the Israelites had indeed obeyed Hashem's command.<fn>R. D"Z Hoffmann adds that the blood also served as a sign for both the Children of Israel and the outside world that the Israelites' salvation was due to their worship of God.</fn> Additionally, for some of these commentators, it had a symbolic meaning:<fn>See also <multilink><aht source="Josephus2-14-6">Josephus</aht><aht source="Josephus2-14-6">Antiquities 2:14:6</aht><aht parshan="Josephus" /></multilink> who writes that the bunches of hyssop were used to purify their homes. It is likely that he is influenced by the use of a hyssop in the purification processes of Vayikra 14 and Bemidbar 19, both of which purify, not only people, but homes as well. These are the only other places a hyssop appears in the Torah.</fn> |
<ul> | <ul> | ||
− | <li><b>Covenantal blood</b> – R. Matya b. Charash in the Mekhilta (cited by Rashi) associates it with the blood of circumcision, and says that the phrase "בְּדַם בְּרִיתֵךְ" in Zekhariah 9:11 refers to them.<fn>See also Shemot 24:8. It is also possible that "וְהָיָה הַדָּם לָכֶם <b>לְאֹת</b>" in Shemot 12:13 refers to the "sign" of a covenant.</fn></li> | + | <li><b>Covenantal blood</b> – R. Matya b. Charash in the Mekhilta (cited by Rashi) associates it with the blood of circumcision, and says that the phrase "בְּדַם בְּרִיתֵךְ" in Zekhariah 9:11 refers to them.<fn>See also Shemot 24:8. It is also possible that "וְהָיָה הַדָּם לָכֶם <b>לְאֹת</b>" in Shemot 12:13 refers to the "sign" of a covenant (cf. Bereshit 9:12-17, 17:11, Shemot 31:13-17).</fn></li> |
<li><b>Exchange of life</b> – R. Hirsch, R. D"Z Hoffmann and Cassuto all see the blood as standing in for the lives of the nation, either by representing their willingness to dedicate their lives to Hashem,<fn>This is suggested by all three of these commentators.</fn> or in substituting for the firstborns otherwise destined to die in the Plague of the Firstborn.<fn>This last possibility is found only in Cassuto.</fn></li> | <li><b>Exchange of life</b> – R. Hirsch, R. D"Z Hoffmann and Cassuto all see the blood as standing in for the lives of the nation, either by representing their willingness to dedicate their lives to Hashem,<fn>This is suggested by all three of these commentators.</fn> or in substituting for the firstborns otherwise destined to die in the Plague of the Firstborn.<fn>This last possibility is found only in Cassuto.</fn></li> | ||
</ul> | </ul> | ||
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<point><b>פסח דורות</b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann says that in future generations the Pesach was purely commemorative in nature, and thus the petitionary aspect of the original sacrifice was replaced with the element of thanksgiving.</point> | <point><b>פסח דורות</b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann says that in future generations the Pesach was purely commemorative in nature, and thus the petitionary aspect of the original sacrifice was replaced with the element of thanksgiving.</point> | ||
<point><b>Israelites' religious identity</b> – According to this approach, the nation was lacking in merits and did not deserve to be redeemed. These commentators do not fixate on the transgression of idolatry in particular, but rather point to a more general lack of good deeds. For elaboration, see <aht page="Religious Identity in Egypt">Israelites' Religious Identity</aht>.</point> | <point><b>Israelites' religious identity</b> – According to this approach, the nation was lacking in merits and did not deserve to be redeemed. These commentators do not fixate on the transgression of idolatry in particular, but rather point to a more general lack of good deeds. For elaboration, see <aht page="Religious Identity in Egypt">Israelites' Religious Identity</aht>.</point> | ||
− | <point><b>Purpose of sacrifices in general</b> – This approach might understand that general sacrifices also come for the purpose of affording an opportunity for the nation to serve Hashem and become closer to him.</point> | + | <point><b>Purpose of sacrifices in general</b> – This approach might understand that general sacrifices also come for the purpose of affording an opportunity for the nation to serve Hashem and become closer to him.<fn>See Kuzari 2:26 and Ramban Shemot 40:34, Vayikra 1:9, and see Purpose of Sacrifices.</fn></point> |
</opinion> | </opinion> | ||
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</mekorot> | </mekorot> | ||
<point><b>Focal point of the commandment</b> – R"C Crescas asserts that in slaughtering a sheep, the Israelites displayed their gratitude to Hashem that they themselves were not slaughtered. R. D"Z Hoffmann adds that the festive sacrificial meal was also an important part of the thanksgiving celebration.</point> | <point><b>Focal point of the commandment</b> – R"C Crescas asserts that in slaughtering a sheep, the Israelites displayed their gratitude to Hashem that they themselves were not slaughtered. R. D"Z Hoffmann adds that the festive sacrificial meal was also an important part of the thanksgiving celebration.</point> | ||
− | <point><b>Character of the sacrifice</b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann proves that the Pesach is a type of peace offering (שלמים) from the fact that they share the unique properties of being called a "זֶבַח" ‎(12:27) and being eaten by the person bringing the sacrifice.<fn>The choice of animal, its age, | + | <point><b>Character of the sacrifice</b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann proves that the Pesach is a type of peace offering (שלמים) from the fact that they share the unique properties of being called a "זֶבַח" ‎(12:27) and being eaten by the person bringing the sacrifice.<fn>The choice of animal, its age, sprinkling of blood, and prohibition of leftovers are elements shared by other sacrifices as well. See below regarding the need to finish the meat by morning.</fn> The missing sacrificial components of the altar and priest were replaced here by the house (with the blood being placed on its doorposts) and the Israelites themselves.<fn>Both Philo and R. D"Z Hoffmann suggests that at this first sacrifice, all of the Israelites were equal, demonstrating their potential to be a "מַמְלֶכֶת כֹּהֲנִים". Philo adds that this was also an obvious necessity since there was as of yet no altar and no Priestly or Levite class.</fn></point> |
− | <point><b>Function of the blood</b> – | + | <point><b>Function of the blood</b> – According to R. D"Z Hoffmann, the smearing of the blood is simply part of the sacrificial service, the equivalent of the sprinkling of blood that occurs during the bringing of other sacrifices.<fn>Such a view of the blood obviates the theological difficulty of Hashem needing a sign. However, this position does not explain the Torah's presentation of the blood as being the reason for God's passing over or protection of the Israelites, as salvation should not be dependent on a thanksgiving offering.</fn> In the absence of an altar, the Israelite house took on that function and, thus, the blood was sprinkled on the doorposts.<fn>Cf. R. Yosef in Bavli Pesachim 96a: "ג' מזבחות היו שם – על המשקוף ועל שתי המזוזות".</fn></point> |
<point><b>Meaning of the name "פֶּסַח"</b> – According to this approach, the word can mean either pass over or have mercy. The sacrifice is called by this name because the people are offering thanksgiving for this action of Hashem.</point> | <point><b>Meaning of the name "פֶּסַח"</b> – According to this approach, the word can mean either pass over or have mercy. The sacrifice is called by this name because the people are offering thanksgiving for this action of Hashem.</point> | ||
<point><b>Details of the commandment</b> | <point><b>Details of the commandment</b> | ||
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<li><b>Sheep</b> – R"C Crescas suggests that it was fitting to sacrifice the god of the Egyptians to highlight their undoing.</li> | <li><b>Sheep</b> – R"C Crescas suggests that it was fitting to sacrifice the god of the Egyptians to highlight their undoing.</li> | ||
<li><b>Timing</b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann suggests that since the offering was also a request (and not just a show of thanksgiving) for salvation from the Plague of the Firstborn, it needed to be offered before the Plague occurred.<fn>See elaboration above.</fn></li> | <li><b>Timing</b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann suggests that since the offering was also a request (and not just a show of thanksgiving) for salvation from the Plague of the Firstborn, it needed to be offered before the Plague occurred.<fn>See elaboration above.</fn></li> | ||
+ | <li><b>Consumed by morning</b> – R. D"Z Hoffmann notes that this parallels the law regarding the <i>korban todah</i>.<fn>These are the only two sacrifices in which the meat must be consumed by morning.</fn></li> | ||
<li><b>Ready to go</b> – The commands to eat the Pesach roasted, with matzah and bitter herbs, and while dressed for the journey may be intended to insure the completion of the meal before the Plague and to connect the thanksgiving offering with the actual exodus.<fn>Philo suggests that most of these details represent haste. R. D"Z Hoffmann suggests that the roasting was to show that the offering had some elements of a burnt offering (עולה) as well. For a broader discussion and symbolic interpretations of the many details related to the Pesach offering, see Philo.</fn></li> | <li><b>Ready to go</b> – The commands to eat the Pesach roasted, with matzah and bitter herbs, and while dressed for the journey may be intended to insure the completion of the meal before the Plague and to connect the thanksgiving offering with the actual exodus.<fn>Philo suggests that most of these details represent haste. R. D"Z Hoffmann suggests that the roasting was to show that the offering had some elements of a burnt offering (עולה) as well. For a broader discussion and symbolic interpretations of the many details related to the Pesach offering, see Philo.</fn></li> | ||
</ul> | </ul> | ||
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<point><b>"לֵיל שִׁמֻּרִים"</b> – </point> | <point><b>"לֵיל שִׁמֻּרִים"</b> – </point> | ||
--> | --> | ||
− | <point><b>General purpose of sacrifices</b> – According to the Rambam, sacrifices as a whole and many of the details of their commandments are a concession to the nation's foibles and a means to gradually pull them away from idolatrous leanings.</point> | + | <point><b>General purpose of sacrifices</b> – According to the Rambam, sacrifices as a whole and many of the details of their commandments are a concession to the nation's foibles and a means to gradually pull them away from idolatrous leanings.<fn>See Purpose of Sacrifices.</fn></point> |
<point><b>פסח דורות</b> – According to this approach, future Pesach sacrifices simply commemorate this first one, but do not serve the same demonstrative purpose.</point> | <point><b>פסח דורות</b> – According to this approach, future Pesach sacrifices simply commemorate this first one, but do not serve the same demonstrative purpose.</point> | ||
<point><b>Israelites' religious identity</b> – This approach assumes that the Children of Israel had assimilated in Egypt and embraced idolatry. See <aht page="Religious Identity in Egypt">Israelites' Religious Identity</aht>.</point> | <point><b>Israelites' religious identity</b> – This approach assumes that the Children of Israel had assimilated in Egypt and embraced idolatry. See <aht page="Religious Identity in Egypt">Israelites' Religious Identity</aht>.</point> | ||
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<li><b>Unblemished young male sheep </b> – This would not allow any excuse that could justify the sheep-killing; no one could say that a particular sheep was unworthy due to its being blemished and that was the only reason it was being killed.<fn>Chizkuni suggests that this was aimed at preventing the Israelites themselves from making excuses for their sacrifice and forcing them to be explicit about their intentions.</fn></li> | <li><b>Unblemished young male sheep </b> – This would not allow any excuse that could justify the sheep-killing; no one could say that a particular sheep was unworthy due to its being blemished and that was the only reason it was being killed.<fn>Chizkuni suggests that this was aimed at preventing the Israelites themselves from making excuses for their sacrifice and forcing them to be explicit about their intentions.</fn></li> | ||
<li><b>Twilight</b> – This time was chosen to maximize exposure of the slaughtering to all those who were returning home.</li> | <li><b>Twilight</b> – This time was chosen to maximize exposure of the slaughtering to all those who were returning home.</li> | ||
− | <li><b>Roasted</b> – The | + | <li><b>Roasted</b> – The cooking of the sheep on a open fire ensured that the sheep was both seen and smelled by all.<fn>Cf. Hadar Zekeinim and Daat Zekeinim in the name of Ibn Ezra.</fn></li> |
− | <li><b>Roasted whole</b> – This | + | <li><b>Roasted whole</b> – This insured that no one could mistake that what was killed was, in fact, the Egyptian god.</li> |
<li><b>Dressed to go, bitter herbs</b> – Choosing a condiment that was bitter rather than sweet and eating in a hurry were both signs of disrespect.</li> | <li><b>Dressed to go, bitter herbs</b> – Choosing a condiment that was bitter rather than sweet and eating in a hurry were both signs of disrespect.</li> | ||
</ul> | </ul> |
Version as of 17:06, 17 April 2014
Purpose of the Pesach
Exegetical Approaches
Overview
Commentators disagree as to whether the Pesach was required for the physical salvation of the Israelites or was designed primarily to strengthen their spiritual relationship with Hashem. Jubilees and others adopt a literal reading of the verses and explain that the blood was aimed at the destroying angel who, if not for this sign, would not have been able to discern between Egyptians and Israelites.
Most Rabbinic sources, though, prefer to avoid attributing limitations to Hashem or His messengers, and thus view the Pesach as having inherent educational or religious value for either the Israelites or Egyptians. Thus, some Tannaim in the Mekhilta propose that the Pesach was commanded so that the Israelites could begin to perform Hashem's commandments and merit redemption. Others focus on the Pesach as a slaughtering of the Egyptians' gods, which was intended either to wean the Israelites away from idolatry, or to prove the impotence of their gods to the Egyptians themselves. These contrasting positions also have important ramifications for understanding whether the original Pesach was a full-fledged sacrifice, the nature of the "מַשְׁחִית", and the meaning of the name "פֶּסַח".
Apotropaic Blood Rite
The Pesach was commanded so that its blood would prevent the destroyer ("הַמַּשְׁחִית") from entering the Israelites' homes and harming them.
- Angel3 – According to Jubilees, Ibn Ezra, and R"Y Bekhor Shor, the "מַשְׁחִית" was a Divine messenger who received instructions from Hashem to destroy the Egyptians and spare the Israelites.4
- Celestial force – Ibn Daud, in contrast, asserts that the phrase refers to the powers of a heavenly sphere5 which were unleashed against the Egyptians. According to him, this force functioned in accordance with fixed natural laws.
- Plague – Seforno understands the "מַשְׁחִית" to be a general epidemic which wreaked havoc upon the general population of Egypt. This plague coincided with, but was distinct from, the Plague of the Firstborn.6
- The "מַשְׁחִית", rather than Hashem, did both the killing ("נֶגֶף לְמַשְׁחִית") and sparing ("וּפָסַח") – According to Jubilees,7 Hashem merely gave the original instructions but did not accompany the "מַשְׁחִית" for the implementation, and all of the verbs which speak of Hashem's actions ("וְעָבַרְתִּי", "וְהִכֵּיתִי", "וְרָאִיתִי", "וּפָסַחְתִּי", "בְּהַכֹּתִי", "וְעָבַר ה'", "וְרָאָה", "וּפָסַח", "וְלֹא יִתֵּן") really refer to the actions of the "מַשְׁחִית" (functioning as Hashem's agent).8 Jubilees does not feel obligated by the later homily of "אני ולא מלאך..." found in the Mekhilta.
- Hashem protected the Israelites while the "מַשְׁחִית" slew the Egyptians – Shemot Rabbah presents Hashem as physically preventing the destroying angel from entering the Israelite homes.9 This reading accounts for both "וְרָאִיתִי אֶת הַדָּם וּפָסַחְתִּי עֲלֵכֶם" and "וְלֹא יִהְיֶה בָכֶם נֶגֶף לְמַשְׁחִית", but it does not explain why Hashem did not simply order the angel not to enter the blood-marked houses.
- Hashem performed both the saving and the killing, and the "מַשְׁחִית" merely accompanied Him10 – Seforno and the Ma'asei Hashem completely separate between the roles of Hashem and the "מַשְׁחִית", asserting that Hashem alone killed the firstborns ("וְהִכֵּיתִי כָל בְּכוֹר"), while a more general plague ("נֶגֶף לְמַשְׁחִית") was simultaneously brought upon the rest of the Egyptian nation. This position is undoubtedly influenced by the Mekhilta's homily which attributes the final plague to Hashem alone, and it has the added advantage of explaining why every home, even ones in which there was no firstborn, required the smearing of blood.
- Identification sign – Perhaps the simplest understanding is that the "מַשְׁחִית" was simply incapable of distinguishing on its own between Egyptian and Israelite,11 and thus the blood was needed to serve this function. Ibn Ezra12 and Seforno13 note the parallel between our story and Yechezkel 9,14 where there is a similar marking of innocents in order to protect them from a "מַשְׁחִית".15
- Repellent – Ibn Daud,16 in contrast, asserts that the blood (and slaughtered sheep) had some inherent powers to ward off the harm of the "מַשְׁחִית", deterring him from entering the Israelite homes.17 Both Ibn Ezra and Ibn Daud18 compare our episode to the story of Moshe in the lodging place in Shemot 4. There, too, a bloody rite (circumcision) was used to ward off evil and potential death.19
- Calming effect – In contrast, R. Yosef ibn Kaspi contends that the blood had no effect whatsoever on Hashem or the "מַשְׁחִית",20 but was intended merely to allay the fears of the Israelite masses.21 He explains that, in that era, people believed that blood was a panacea for fears and tension.22 Thus, Hashem commanded the Israelites to apply blood to their doors, so that they would not panic upon hearing the screams of the Egyptians over the deaths of their firstborns. Ibn Kaspi notes that, sometimes, Hashem will take into consideration the people's concerns even though they are unfounded.23
- Demarcation of sanctified territory – The slaughtering of the Pesach and the smearing of its blood transformed the Israelite homes into quasi-altars.24 This holiness and the ensuing Divine presence caused the homes to have extra-territorial status and be off-limits to the "מַשְׁחִית".25
- No broken bones – Jubilees suggests that the command to roast the Pesach whole and not to break any of its bones was symbolic of the nation emerging whole and unscathed from the Plague of the Firstborn.
- Haste – Ibn Ezra understands the commands relating to haste, not as a way of insuring the nation would be ready to leave at a moment's notice, but as a directive to finish eating by the time the destroying angel arrived, lest they not be granted protection.
- Timing – Seforno explains that, unlike all other sacrifices, the Pesach was offered close to sundown, so as to be in as close proximity as possible to when the "מַשְׁחִית" would be killing the Egyptian firstborn.31
Sacrifice to Hashem
The Pesach strengthened the bond between the Children of Israel and Hashem, in preparation for the Exodus.
Meriting Redemption
The Israelites needed to accumulate mitzvot in order to atone and compensate for their sinful behavior in Egypt37 and be worthy of Hashem's deliverance.38
- Sin offering – The Tzeror HaMor suggests that the sacrifice came to atone.43 He then enumerates many of the elements common to the Pesach and general sacrifices, including the slaughtering of an unblemished animal, smearing/sprinkling of the blood, and the prohibition and burning of leftovers.44 He also explains that the absence of the altar was due to the impurity of the land of Egypt.45 While in a standard sin offering only the priest partakes from and not the sinner himself, it is possible that since the priests had not yet been chosen in Egypt, the entire nation functioned as priests,46 and were thus permitted to partake from their own sacrifices.47
- Petitionary offering – R. D"Z Hoffmann posits that the Pesach was brought, in part, as a request for Hashem's protection from the Plague of the Firstborn,48 and the sheep represented the Israelites' dependence on Hashem to be their shepherd.49
- Redemption of the firstborn (פדיון בכור) – Cassuto suggests that the Paschal lambs served as an exchange for the lives of the Israelite firstborns,50 and their blood symbolized the consecration of the Israelites to God's worship.51
- Covenantal blood – R. Matya b. Charash in the Mekhilta (cited by Rashi) associates it with the blood of circumcision, and says that the phrase "בְּדַם בְּרִיתֵךְ" in Zekhariah 9:11 refers to them.56
- Exchange of life – R. Hirsch, R. D"Z Hoffmann and Cassuto all see the blood as standing in for the lives of the nation, either by representing their willingness to dedicate their lives to Hashem,57 or in substituting for the firstborns otherwise destined to die in the Plague of the Firstborn.58
- Destruction – Avudraham maintains that the term "מַשְׁחִית" does not refer to a Divine being but rather to the destruction wrought by Hashem Himself.61
- Hashem Himself – R. D"Z Hoffmann (in his first suggestion) proposes that the "מַשְׁחִית" is a personification of God's providence, while Tzeror HaMor asserts that it refers specifically to God's attribute of justice.
- Angel – Rashi and R. D"Z Hoffmann raise the alternative possibility that it refers to an angel sent by Hashem to do his bidding.
- Timing – R. D"Z Hoffmann explains that as the sacrifice was a request for salvation, it needed to be offered before the Plague came.
- Doorposts and doorframe – Zvi Karl suggests that this reflected the common belief that the Divine presence was by the door.64
- Haste – According to R. Hirsch, eating this way served to reflect the atmosphere of worry and imminent danger that the nation was only saved from due to their partaking of the Pesach.65
- Tzeror HaMor and Cassuto relate the command to the nation's departure. Tzeror HaMor asserts that Hashem simply did not want the nation to leave in the middle of the night, as if they were running away, but rather to exit in full daylight. Cassuto suggests more simply that Hashem wanted to ensure that they would be available to go at a moment's notice.
- R. D"Z Hoffmann68 proposes that Hashem warned the nation against leaving their home lest they see God's presence when He came to slay the Egyptian firstborn.
Thanksgiving Offering
The Pesach was a Korban Todah, a celebratory peace offering thanking Hashem for the nation's impending salvation.
- Male – Philo proposes that a male was chosen for the show of gratitude since Paroh's decrees had been aimed against the male children.
- Sheep – R"C Crescas suggests that it was fitting to sacrifice the god of the Egyptians to highlight their undoing.
- Timing – R. D"Z Hoffmann suggests that since the offering was also a request (and not just a show of thanksgiving) for salvation from the Plague of the Firstborn, it needed to be offered before the Plague occurred.75
- Consumed by morning – R. D"Z Hoffmann notes that this parallels the law regarding the korban todah.76
- Ready to go – The commands to eat the Pesach roasted, with matzah and bitter herbs, and while dressed for the journey may be intended to insure the completion of the meal before the Plague and to connect the thanksgiving offering with the actual exodus.77
Demonstrative Act Against Idolatry
The Egyptians worshiped sheep, and the slaughtering of the Pesach proclaimed the sovereignty of Hashem and His supremacy over the Egyptian gods.79 This approach subdivides regarding the intended audience:
Cleansing the Israelites
The Paschal rite facilitated and symbolized the Israelites' rejection of Egyptian idolatry.
- Active demonstration – Most of the commentators focus on the nation's need to actively demonstrate their rejection of idolatry in order to merit redemption. By slaughtering the Egyptian god, the Israelites made plain their denunciation of Egyptian beliefs.82
- Educational tool – Rambam and Ralbag focus less on the demonstrative aspect of the ritual, and view it instead as an educative process. In observing the Egyptian god killed and unable either to defend itself or wreak punishment, the Israelites learned its worthlessness.
- Sin offering – Bemidbar Rabbah compares the Pesach to a sin offering brought for idolatry, suggesting that the Pesach might have served a similar expiatory function.83
- The Israelites – According to Ralbag, Akeidat Yitzchak, and Abarbanel, the blood was meant not for Hashem or the destroyer but for the Israelites themselves. It served as a sign and proof for them ("וְהָיָה הַדָּם לָכֶם לְאֹת") that they had abandoned their beliefs in the Egyptian gods and it was this rejection that led Hashem to have mercy on them and not kill them during the plague.84
- The Egyptians – In contrast, HaKetav VeHaKabbalah85 asserts that the Egyptians were the intended audience of the blood. As part of the nation's process of repentance they needed to be willing to risk their lives for Hashem by slaughtering the sheep and putting its blood in full view of their Egyptian neighbors.86
- Hashem – Bemidbar Rabbah does not say explicitly for whom the blood was intended, but his comparison of the Pesach to a sin offering would suggest that the blood was meant for Hashem to see the religious devotion of the nation.87
- Choice of sheep – As the sheep was worshiped by the Egyptians, its slaughter was necessary to eradicate similar beliefs held by the Children of Israel.92
- Four days – This gave the nation ample time both to display their intended slaughtering and to reflect on their new beliefs.
- Unblemished male – Ralbag points out that in killing an unblemished male, viewed by the Egyptians as the most respected member of the species, and nonetheless, emerging unscathed, the nation would learn the worthlessness of the Egyptian god.
- Hyssop branch – Ralbag suggests that the choice of a lowly plant to do the smearing of blood served to degrade the sheep in the eyes of Israel.
- Doorposts and doorframe – Abarbanel notes (based on the verse in Yeshayahu 57:8) that the idolaters would place their idols behind the door ("אַחַר הַדֶּלֶת וְהַמְּזוּזָה"), and thus it was in this location that the blood of the Egyptian god was smeared.
- Roasted – Ralbag proposes that since the Egyptians would normally punish by fire anyone who defied their gods, roasting the sheep whole was a further sign of disrespect and proof of the inability of the god to punish.
- Matzah and maror – Rambam notes that idolaters would normally accompany their sacrifices with leavened bread and something sweet. As a reaction, Hashem commanded that the nation's sacrifices be accompanied by unleavened bread and salt, and prohibited leaven and honey. This could similarly explain the choice of matzah and bitter herbs.93
Mocking the Egyptians
The public slaughter of the sheep and smearing of their blood proved to the Egyptians that their gods were powerless.
- Four days – This provided time for the Egyptians to see their gods tied up and bleating, without the ability to save themselves from the coming slaughter.
- Unblemished young male sheep – This would not allow any excuse that could justify the sheep-killing; no one could say that a particular sheep was unworthy due to its being blemished and that was the only reason it was being killed.99
- Twilight – This time was chosen to maximize exposure of the slaughtering to all those who were returning home.
- Roasted – The cooking of the sheep on a open fire ensured that the sheep was both seen and smelled by all.100
- Roasted whole – This insured that no one could mistake that what was killed was, in fact, the Egyptian god.
- Dressed to go, bitter herbs – Choosing a condiment that was bitter rather than sweet and eating in a hurry were both signs of disrespect.
Combination
It is possible to combine the above approaches and suggest that the various aspects of the process of the Pesach each had different objectives.