Yitro – Religious Identity/2

Yitro's Religious Identity

Exegetical Approaches

We are introduced to Yitro first in Shemot 2-4 when Moshe marries Zipporah and shepherds Yitro's flock, and then again in Shemot 18 when Yitro comes to visit Moshe in the wilderness. At each of these critical points, questions arise as to whether Yitro believes in Hashem, pagan gods, both, or neither. The analysis below will present the spectrum of opinions regarding Yitro's religious character when he first meets Moshe, and subdivide each of these options according to whether Yitro's theological beliefs undergo any transformation during the course of his life.

Yitro the Monotheist

According to this approach, Yitro believed in God before he even met Moshe. The three variations of this approach differ over whether this was a longstanding belief of Yitro or a more recent development following a career as an idol worshipper.

Yitro always believed in Hashem

Sources:Ibn EzraShemot Long Commentary 2:16About Ibn Ezra,¹ perhaps R. Saadia GaonCommentary on Shemot 18:8-21About R. Saadia Gaon.²

Kohen Midyan – The simplest option for this approach is to render kohen as a political leader, rather than as a religious one – see approach below. However, Ibn Ezra presents an even more novel approach, maintaining that here too kohen is a religious functionary, and that Yitro was a priest who worshipped Hashem in Midyan. According to this, the priesthood of Yitro could be compared to that of Malkizedek – see Bereshit 14.³ R. Saadia does not discuss the meaning of kohen, but he translates it as an imam.⁴

Moshe & Zipporah – R. Saadia cites Moshe's marriage to Zipporah as proof that Yitro must have believed in Hashem.⁵ Even if Yitro's monotheism were not a necessary condition, it could certainly explain why Moshe would have chosen to marry into his family.

Origin of Yitro's belief – See Demetrius the ChronographerCited by Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica 9:29About Demetrius⁶ and R. Avraham b. HaRambamShemot 2:20About R. Avraham Maimonides who highlight Yitro's Abrahamic lineage. This might possibly account for his monotheism.

Purpose of Yitro's visit in Shemot 18 – According to this option, Yitro may have come to be a part of the revelation at Sinai (see below and Chronology of Shemot 18). However, according to Ibn Ezra himself, Yitro came only in the second year after the Decalogue.

Recognition of Hashem – R. Saadia explains that Yitro's declaration "Now I know that Hashem is greater than all gods" in 18:11 does not mean that only now did he start to believe in Hashem, but rather that only now did he learn that Hashem punishes measure for measure (as per the continuation of the verse).⁷

Yitro's departure in Shemot 18 and the Keinites and Reikhavites – This approach could easily maintain that Yitro returned a second time – see Did Yitro Ever Return. If so, it is understandable that his descendants would be living among the Jewish people. Ibn Ezra, though, asserts that Yitro departed and never returned, but that his descendants later lived with the Jewish nation (see Ibn Ezra Long Commentary 18:1). His position raises the question that if Yitro was a long time monotheist, why he would have turned down the opportunity to join the Jewish people (and why would his descendants nonetheless be living in Israel)?

Converted Before Meeting Moshe

Yitro was originally a pagan but had already undergone a religious transformation, rejected idols, and consequently been excommunicated by his neighbors, before Moshe arrived in Midyan.

Sources:TanchumaShemot 11About the Tanchuma, Midrash Aggadah (Buber)Shemot 2:16About Midrash Aggadah (Buber), Shemot Rabbah1:32About Shemot Rabbah, RashiShemot 2:16About Rashi.⁸

Kohen Midyan – while all of these sources agree that Yitro worshipped idols before Moshe's arrival, they present three different understandings of kohen:

• A priest – Shemot Rabbah. R"E MizrachiShemot 2:16About R"E Mizrachi points out that this would appear to be the simplest option, but that it does not account for why the Torah continues to call Yitro a priest even long after he abandoned idolatry.⁹
• A political leader – RashiBereshit 47:22About RashiShemot 2:16Iyyov 12:19About Rashi. In his rendering of kohen, Rashi is preceded by a host of classical sources – see below. However, Rashi (like the Tanchuma) synthesizes this interpretation with the midrashic motif that Yitro was a recently reformed idol worshipper. Rashi's supercommentaries attempt to explain the apparent exegetical overkill. R"E Mizrachi (see above) explains that the motif of Yitro the reformed idolater explains how the shepherds dared to harass the seven daughters, while the understanding of kohen as political obviates the problem of why the Torah continues to use the title even after Yitro became a monotheist. [According to this, one would need to assume either that Yitro remained the political ruler even after his excommunication, or that the Torah continues to refer to him by his former title.]¹⁰
• Both a priest and a political leader – Tanchuma Shemot 11.¹¹ R. D"Z HoffmannShemot 2:16About R. D"Z Hoffmann suggests that there was no concept of separation of church and state, and tribal leaders combined religious and political authority. The Tanchuma, though, seems to be an amalgam of two different approaches for explaining how Moshe landed in the house of an idolater. The priest motif solves the problem by turning Yitro into a former idolater, while the political governor motif (which has more ancient roots) is able to skirt the idolatry issue entirely.¹²

Moshe & Zipporah – The explicit point of departure for the Tanchuma and Shemot Rabbah is the assumption that Hashem would not have caused Moshe to dwell in a house of idolatry, let alone marry a daughter of the priest.¹³

Shepherds harassing daughters in Shemot 2 – Having Yitro reject idolatry and be excommunicated provides a ready explanation for how the shepherds dared to harass the kohen's daughters, and why the daughters need to be tending to the sheep themselves (see here for alternative approaches).

Yitro's religious transformation and the purpose of his visit in Shemot 18 – According to Tanchuma and Shemot Rabbah, Yitro's journey to Judaism was an extended process which began with his abandoning idolatry before Moshe came, but culminated only when he came to convert in Shemot 18 (see Tanchuma Yitro 1-7 and Shemot Rabbah 27:1-9). It would also appear from these sources that conversion was a prime motivating factor for Yitro's visit.

Recognition of Hashem – Rashi 18:11 interprets Yitro's declaration "Now I know that Hashem is greater than all gods" as "I knew him in the past, but now, even more so."¹⁴ See also the explicit Tosafist comment in Paneach Raza 18:11 which reconstructs the two step process of Yitro's first forsaking idolatry and then converting.

Yitro's departure in Shemot 18 – If Yitro converted, it is unclear why he would leave the nation. Rashi 18:27 [based on R"E HaModai in Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 2], explains that Yitro departed to convert the rest of his family.

Did Yitro return? – Rashi 18:13 appears to maintain that Yitro departed and never returned – see Did Yitro Ever Return. Despite this, Rashi himself in Bemidbar 10:32 and Yirmeyahu 35:2 acknowledges that Yitro's descendants lived with the Israelite nation. This leaves a double unanswered question – why did Yitro himself not return, and how is it that his descendants were part of the Jewish people? See Did Yitro Ever Return for various approaches.

Converted Before Moshe Married Zipporah

Yitro was originally a pagan and became a monotheist only after Moshe arrived in Midyan but before Moshe married Zipporah.

Sources:R. Dan cited by R. Bachya2:21About R. Dan, perhaps Tzeror HaMorShemot 2:21Shemot 18:24About R. Avraham Saba.

Kohen Midyan and Moshe marrying Zipporah – According to R. Dan, Moshe was looking to marry specifically the daughter of a priest, as only the priestly estates could afford him political asylum and protection from Paroh. As evidence for the measure of autonomy of the priestly estates, he cites Yosef's inability to buy up the property of the priests in Bereshit 47.¹⁵ R. Dan adds that Yitro first needed to convert to monotheism. In contrast, see Tzeror HaMor Shemot 2:21 and 18:24 that Moshe married Zipporah because Yitro was very wise and Divinely inspired,¹⁶ and Zipporah herself was unique in her modesty and actions. See also Did Moshe Need Yitro's Advice? for a discussion of Yitro's spiritual level.

Purpose of Yitro's visit in Shemot 18 and Yitro's sacrifices – Tzeror HaMor 18:1,7,12 says that Yitro, after hearing and contemplating Hashem's wonders, came in order to convert to Judaism.

Recognition of Hashem – Tzeror HaMor 18:11 explains Yitro's declaration "Now I know that Hashem is greater than all gods" like the Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael that now Yitro learned that Hashem punishes measure for measure (as per the continuation of the verse).

Yitro's return and the Keinites and Reikhavites – According to Tzeror HaMor Shemot 18:1, Bemidbar 10:29,32, Chovav is Yitro, he acquiesced to Moshe's request to remain with the nation, and his descendants were part of the Jewish people.

Yitro the Idolater

According to this position, Yitro was a heathen when Moshe first met him and married Zipporah. This possibility subdivides regarding whether Yitro ever renounced his pagan gods.

Remained an Idolater

Yitro remained an idolater or at least a polytheist for the rest of his life.

Sources:ShadalShemot 18:1About Shadal, U. CassutoShemot 18:12About U. Cassuto.

Pre-Rabbinic Sources – While Midrashim and medieval sources generally take it for granted that Yitro converted to Judaism, PhiloOn Drunkenness XI:41-45About Philo and JosephusAntiquities 3:3-4:63-74About Josephus each make no mention of such an occurrence. Their treatments of Yitro's character, however, differ greatly from each other. Philo's portrayal of Yitro is negative to the extreme.¹⁷ In On Drunkenness XI:41-45, he attempts to cast even Yitro's recognition of Hashem's might in Shemot 18:12 as an offensive comparison of Hashem to other gods. Josephus, in contrast, paints Yitro in a very positive light, yet in his retelling of our story he omits all references to Yitro's acknowledgement of Hashem's existence.¹⁸

Kohen Midyan – This view would most likely maintain that Yitro was an (idolatrous) priest, like the common meaning of the word kohen – see here. However, it could also interpret kohen as a governor or ruler, as the ruler of Midyan would likely have also been an idolater.

Moshe & Zipporah – This opinion leaves one to wonder how Moshe could have married into an idolatrous family. See the Critique of the Writings of R. Saadia Gaonp. 107About R. Mubashir HaLevi by R. Mubashir HaLevi who argues that Moshe was marrying Zipporah and not her father and that therefore what is important is only Zipporah's religious beliefs,¹⁹ and not her father's.²⁰

Shepherds harassing daughters in Shemot 2 – This approach needs to find an explanation for how the shepherds could regularly harass the daughters of the local priest or ruler.²¹

Purpose of Yitro's visit in Shemot 18 – According to this position, Yitro is certainly not coming to convert. Accordingly, U. CassutoShemot 18:12About U. Cassuto views Yitro as the leader of a diplomatic Midianite mission coming to express solidarity with the new Israelite nation which has just emerged from slavery. Additionally, Yitro could have come simply for personal reasons and family reunification.

Recognition of Hashem – Cassuto explains that Yitro's declaration "Now I know that Hashem is greater than all gods" does not mean that he became monotheistic and ceased to believe in all other gods, but merely that Yitro acknowledged that Hashem was the most powerful of the many different gods which he continued to believe in.²²

Yitro's Sacrifices – Ramban 18:13 notes that Yitro's sacrifice in 18:12 is a rare instance of a sacrifice offered to God using the generic elohim ("א-להים") and not the name Hashem.²³ Cassuto suggests that this comes to emphasize that Yitro didn't arrive at a complete belief in Hashem (click here for a discussion of the usages of elohim and Hashem).²⁴

Yitro's departure in Shemot 18 – An advantage of this position is that it explains why he would leave the nation at the end of Shemot 18. Had Yitro converted, it would not make sense that he would leave. While some maintain that Yitro left to convert his family (see above) and then returns under the name of Chovav (see Who is Yitro?), Shadal notes that this would not account for his insistence on departing again in Bemidbar 10:30.

Keinites and Reikhavites – Shadal attempts to show that there is no evidence of any of Yitro's descendants being a part of the Jewish nation, and thus this provides no support for the theory that Yitro converted. He argues that had Yitro converted, it is implausible that his descendants, the Keinites, would be on good terms with or living amongst enemies such as the Canaanites (see also Radak Shofetim 1:16), Sisera, and the Amalekites – see Yitro and Amalek. As far as the Reikhavites, Shadal also points out that it is only a Rabbinic conjecture (motivated by a desire to highlight the accomplishments of the descendants of converts) which relates them to Yitro, but not the simple meaning of the Biblical text.

Converted in Shemot 18

Yitro worshipped idols while Moshe was living in his home, but converted to Judaism when he arrived in Shemot 18.

Sources:R. Eliezer in Mekhilta DeRabbi YishmaelMekhilta Yitro Amalek 1-2About R. EliezerAbout the Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael, Targum Pseudo-JonathanShemot 4:24Shemot 18:6-7About Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, Tanchuma BuberYitro 1-5About Tanchuma Buber, RambanBereshit 41:45Shemot 2:16Shemot 18:1Shemot 18:12About Ramban, Minchah BelulahShemot 2:18Shemot 18:5,9About the Minchah Belulah.²⁵

Kohen Midyan – Tanchuma Buber Yitro 5, Ramban Shemot 2:16, and Minchah Belulah 2:18 adopt the standard meaning of priest. However, R"E HaModai in Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1 and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Shemot 3:1²⁶ understand it as a ruler.

Shepherds harassing daughters in Shemot 2 – See Ramban 2:16 who suggests that there was no religious backdrop, but rather that the set schedule was that the gentlemen went first, and on this day the daughters happened to come early.²⁷

Moshe & Zipporah – According to this position, Moshe married the daughter of an idolater – see Moshe and Zipporah's Marriage for various approaches. R"E HaModai in Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1 and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Shemot 4:24 even have Moshe making a pact with Yitro that Gershom would worship idols or remain uncircumcised – see Murder Mystery at the Malon.

Purpose of Yitro's visit in Shemot 18 – These sources all maintain that Yitro came to Moshe with the intention of converting. They differ only with regard to the timing of his visit and conversion:²⁸

• Yitro came and converted after the Decalogue – R"E HaModai claims that Yitro came after hearing about the revelation at Sinai.
• Yitro came, converted, and departed all before the Decalogue – see Tanchuma Buber Yitro 11 that Yitro was sent away so he would not be present for the revelation, and Ramban 18:1 who asserts that all of Chapter 18 occurred before the Decalogue.
• Yitro came before the Decalogue in order to participate in the revelation and left only afterwards – this is the position of the Minchah Belulah 18:5 and may be the position of Ramban 18:12.

Recognition of Hashem – Yitro's declaration "Now I know that Hashem is greater than all gods" is readily understood as an acceptance of faith which happened on this occasion.²⁹ See Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael which emphasizes that Yitro had not come to this realization until now.

Yitro's sacrifices – Ramban 18:12 suggests that these were to fulfill the halakhic obligation of a proselyte to bring a burnt offering upon conversion.³⁰ However, see above that Cassuto notes that the verse's use of the generic elohim, rather than Hashem, would be surprising if Yitro was converting to Judaism, and see Ramban himself 18:13 who says that Yitro still didn't know Hashem.

Yitro's departure in Shemot 18, his return, and the Keinites and Reikhavites – According to R"E HaModai, Moshe didn't send Yitro away but rather gave him gifts, and Yitro only left temporarily to convert the rest of his family (see also Targum Pseudo-Jonathan 18:27). He then returned in the second year, and his descendants remained with the Jewish people.³¹ Ramban 18:1 also adopts this position.

Yitro the Secular Governor

This possibility attempts to chart a middle ground between Yitro the Idolater and Yitro the Monotheist. According to this, Yitro was an atheist when Moshe marries Zipporah, believing neither in idols nor in monotheism.

Sources:This may be the position of ArtapanusEusebius Ch. 27About Artapanus (cited by Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica, Ch. 27), OnkelosShemot 2:16About Onkelos, and Neofiti. These sources all render the title kohen when used by Yitro as a ruler or governor (and not a priest), but are silent regarding whether Yitro believed in idols.³²

Kohen Midyan – It is reasonable to suggest that their interpretation of kohen is motivated by a desire to portray Yitro as a non-idolater, thereby lessening the problems involved in Moshe marrying Zipporah.³³

Later recognition of Hashem? – This approach also subdivides regarding whether Yitro remained an atheist for his entire life or adopted the Jewish religion when he came to visit Moshe in chapter 18.

¹ Ibn Ezra appears to contradict himself in his Long Commentary to IbnEzraShemot 18:12About Ibn Ezra

² It is also possible that R. Saadia subscribes to the reconstruction of the Tanchuma below that Yitro abandoned his idols only shortly before Moshe arrived.

³ Cf. Midrash Abkir cited in Yalkut Shimoni 169 which proposes that Yitro is called a kohen because his daughter's sons were destined to become high priests. Torah Shelemah Shemot 2:134 suggests that this is predicated on the Midrashic assumption that Putiel, the grandfather of Pinechas (who later became a high priest), is another name for Yitro – see Who is Yitro and see dispute in Bavli Sotah 43a. However, it is possible that the reference is to the verses in Yirmeyahu 35:19 and Divrei HaYamim I 2:55 which the Sifre Bemidbar 78 combines to prove that Yitro's daughter's sons were priests.

⁴ The term imam preserves some of the ambiguity of kohen as it connotes either a religious or political leader depending on the branch of Islam. R. Saadia uses it consistently throughout Tanakh when translating the word kohen.

⁵ See below for R. Mubashir HaLevi's critique.

⁶ See the discussion of Demetrius and related sources in Yitro – Names.

⁷ Cf. Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1.

⁸ There are many additional sources for Yitro originally being an idolater – see below, but according to many of these Yitro converted only later or not at all.

⁹ This would be counter to the prohibition of reminding a convert of his previous behavior in Sifra Behar 4 and Bavli Bava Mezia 58b.

¹⁰ Rashi HaShalem (Shemot 2:16, note 43) offers a completely different approach to Rashi's translation based on Rashi's comment to Shemot 29:30 that kohen when used in its religious sense, is always a verb meaning to serve and would thus need to be accompanied by the name of the deity being served (for e.g. kohanei Yisrael is not found in Tanakh, only kohanei Hashem). Thus, since in our case, Yitro is called the kohen of Midyan (and not of the gods of Midyan), kohen cannot be a religious functionary and must be a political one. It is unclear, though, why Rashi thinks that kohen can be a noun only when used in its political sense.

¹¹ Perhaps also Midrash Aggadah (Buber), and see also Tanchuma Yitro 2. The combination option of priest and ruler is first found in a drama of Ezekiel the Tragedian cited by Eusebius; see also Sefer VeHizhir Shemot 18:1 (p. 68).

¹² See R"E Mizrachi above for a possible motivation to conflate the two motifs.

¹³ Tanchuma and Shemot Rabbah are consistent in that they also make no mention of the story of Yitro and Moshe's agreement that one of Moshe's sons would worship idols or remain uncircumcised which appears in other Midrashic sources (see below and here). Midrash Aggadah (Buber) Shemot 18:3, however, does reference this agreement (though not in the main stories of Shemot 2 or 4), and perhaps distinguishes like Chizkuni Shemot 4:25 between abandoning idolatry and remaining uncircumcised.

¹⁴ Rashi's source is Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1, but in our textual witnesses of the Mekhilta these words appear as an interpretation of the second half of the verse. Cf. R. Saadia above.

¹⁵ R. Dan is most likely influenced by medieval church parallels, but see the discussion of Cities of Refuge for this practice in the Ancient Near East in general and ancient Egypt in particular. See also the Torah's objection to this practice in Shemot 21:14. It is noteworthy that Moshe was wanted by Paroh for murder. For more, see Was Moshe a Murderer.

¹⁶ However, according to the Tzeror HaMor, as well, Moshe wanted to help Yitro repent (presumably from his idolatrous ways).

¹⁷ See Prof. Louis Feldman's analysis in Studies in Josephus's Rewritten Bible pp.38-54.

¹⁸ In Josephus' account, Yitro hears of Moshe's success rather than of God's actions, Moshe and not Yitro offers the sacrifices, and it is the nation who praises God and Moshe while Yitro lauds Moshe and the people. Similarly, in his expansive retelling of Yitro's advice, Josephus leaves out any mention of the need to consult with God for approval. See Prof. Louis Feldman (Josephus's Interpretation of the Bible pp. 133, 159, Studies in Josephus's Rewritten Bible pp.38-54) who suggests that out of sensitivity for the concerns of his Roman audience over Jewish proselytism, Josephus delicately removes any possible hint that Yitro might have converted to Judaism. Additionally, Josephus is thereby able to have the praise of Moshe and the Jewish nation coming from the mouth of a Gentile.

¹⁹ See Zipporah – Overview.

²⁰ See Moshe and Zipporah's Marriage for alternative approaches.

²¹ See Ramban and Ibn Kaspi for variations of the possibility that the shepherds thought that gentlemen should go first.

²² See Cassuto 18:19 where he explains that Yitro's understanding of Moshe's answer reflected his idolatrous background.

²³ Shimon b. Azzai in Sifrei Bemidbar 143 actually says that the name Hashem is used with regard to all of the sacrifices in the Torah.

²⁴ Cf. Ramban 18:13 who writes that Yitro still didn't know the name of Hashem, and the Biur who explains that Ramban refers not to the technical name (as Yitro uses the name of Hashem in 18:11), but rather to the extent of Hashem's power. R. D"Z Hoffmann offers the alternative proposal that this was not a standard sacrifice but rather a covenantal ceremony – see Yitro's Sacrifices.

²⁵ See also the Tur in his Short Commentary Shemot 18:1 who notes that the numerical value (gematria) of Yitro equals that of both komer hayah laavodah zarah (plus one) and haTorah. There are numerous other sources for Yitro originally being an idolater (e.g. R. Yehoshua in Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1 that Yitro was a priest (komer), and Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1 that Yitro worshipped every idol in the world), but not all of these specify if Yitro converted or when. There are also many other sources which state that Yitro converted now, but it is unclear from them when Yitro first abandoned idolatry. See R. Eliezer in Mekhilta DeRabbi Yishmael Yitro Amalek 1, Sifre Bemidbar 78, Bavli Zevachim 116a (this is explicit in the printed editions of the Bavli which read 'and he converted' (venitgayyer), however, most manuscripts as well as the Sheiltot #166, are missing that word and only contain the words found in the Mekhilta), and Vayikra Rabbah 9:6 (also here, some manuscripts do not contain the word nitgayyer).

²⁶ Cf. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Shemot 2:16 and 18:1 where he translates kohen as 'oneis.' Scholars have debated the meaning of this term (donkey, ruler, or priest) – see the lengthy discussion in Kohut's edition of the Arukh s.v. 'אונוס'.

²⁷ See also Ramban Bereshit 29:9 that nobody would abuse Yitro's daughters because he was an important person.

²⁸ See the positions brought in Vayikra Rabbah 9:6.

²⁹ Cf. Rut's declaration in Rut 1:16 which serves as a prototype for the conversion process.

³⁰ The Torah does not explicitly delineate the steps for becoming a convert. The sacrificial obligation is Rabbinically deduced from the nation's sacrifices at Mount Sinai in Shemot 24:5 – see here. See also Rav in Bavli Sanhedrin 94a who explains the word vayichad in 18:9 as Yitro circumcising himself with a sharp knife.

³¹ See Did Yitro Ever Return for whether R"E HaModai thinks that Yitro himself remained.

³² The same is true regarding the Akeidat Yitzchak.

³³ See above, though, for other sources which also maintain that kohen is a political leader, but nevertheless, say that Yitro was an idolater.